Category: International Criminal Law

Bo-Kaap, a History of Resistance and Identity

Sitting at Aisha’s Kitchen on a Friday afternoon in Bo-Kaap, Cape Town, South Africa, I had the pleasure to talk to a local community organizer. Being Cape Malay himself, he shared his experiences growing in the community and the challenges they had faced. With the call to prayer in the background, he shared about the lack of engagement from the community and personal struggles people were going through. However, he was cut short by a handful of young girls from the community joining us. They asked him how he was and he asked about their families while introducing me – “Say Salaam to your aunty.” With a short introduction, we chatted with the girls, no older than 11, about their days, favorite chocolates, and their love for Bo-Kaap.

While staying in Bantry Bay, it was a journey to get all the way to Bo-Kaap. Though they are both within the same city radius of Cape Town, Bo-Kaap represents a small neighborhood. My initial understanding was that it was a simple tourist destination, but through each mural, each step, and each conversation, I recognized that the community is a living archive of struggle and resilience. The vibrancy of Bo-Kaap today represents the lengthy history of marginalized communities fighting for rights and dignity, especially in the face of colonialism, slavery, apartheid, and gentrification.

Photo 1: Inside a local mosque in Bo-Kaap.Credit: Wajiha Mekki
Photo 1: Inside a local mosque in Bo-Kaap.
Credit: Wajiha Mekki

Origins of Bo-Kaap

Bo-Kaap was founded in the 1760s, when Jan de Waal bought a set of land to be leased out to his slaves. These individuals were from a variety of locations: Malaysia, Indonesia, India, and elsewhere. Enslaved individuals slowly populated the area. This was brought to fruition by the Dutch’s involvement in the Atlantic slave trade. Originally, Bo-Kaap was divided into four areas: the Malay Quarter, Stadzicht, Schotsche Kloof and Schoone Kloof. During this time, residential development was limited. However, once Cape Town came under the occupation of the British in 1795, the residential development accelerated, creating modest housing. This growth corresponded with the desires of the British, who wanted to develop Cape Town to increase their profit margins.

Over time, Bo-Kaap became a place of refuge for others beyond Cape Malay individuals; Filipinos, Africans, Italians, and others moved to Bo-Kaap voluntarily and found a home there due to proximity to their work spaces. 

Understanding Bo-Kaap means understanding Cape Town and its history. Cape Town under Apartheid was met with many challenges. In 1948, South Africa divided the city into ethnically separate areas; the dynamic nature of Cape Town was quickly disrupted. Banishing communities from the coastline to new settlements was just one of the steps taken to enforce such policies. Another step was the Group Areas Act of 1950, which officially banned neighborhoods from being multiracial and segregated races from each other. This Act categorized Cape Town as a “whites-only” area of the country, which impacted diverse neighborhoods in the city, but the attempt to truly claim the city for whites alone was quickly fought off by the Bo-Kaap community, a small but mighty neighborhood. These anti-segregation efforts included local mosques, who protected the right of Malay South Africans to live in Bo-Kaap. As a result of this fight, the area was then declared as Cape Malay only, allowing hundreds of families to continue living in Bo-Kaap. Many people who were living in adjacent neighborhoods that were stripped of their multiracial character, such as District Six, were also moved to Bo-Kaap.

With the tragic history of Apartheid, it is critical to note its infringement of fundamental rights to movement, housing, family integrity, and equality. The history of Bo-Kaap and its survival demonstrates the role of collective action in protecting communities and their rights.

Bo-Kaap as a Center of Cultural and Religious Freedom 

In addition to the political history of Bo-Kaap, there is a rich cultural one, too. The beauty of Bo-Kaap is that it provided many Cape Malays the security to practice their religion because of the area’s unique location being far enough from Dutch settlements whilst still being close to the city center. Despite trials and tribulations, enslaved individuals maintained their faith and a sense of community.

One way that individuals in Bo-Kaap developed an opportunity to continue their community is through Afrikaans. This language, which is a mix of Portuguese, Malay, and Dutch that started in the general Cape Colony, was born of necessity. Especially considering that many enslaved individuals were from a variety of locations, it was critical for them to be able to communicate with one another, and Afrikaans gave them an opportunity to do so. The creolization of Dutch evolved as a hybrid language that allowed all groups of the Dutch colony to connect with one another. While religion played a large role in the early written text of Afrikaans being written in Arabic, the spoken language became a lingua franca for the multi-ethnic community of Bo-Kaap and South Africa more generally.

The integration of Islam as the backbone of the Bo-Kaap community was seen through Auwal Mosque, which was created in 1794. Slowly, more Muslims moved into Bo-Kaap, and this movement was accelerated with emancipation of all slaves in 1834. With the abolition of slavery, a new chapter was bright for the community. Auwal Mosque was not the only mosque anymore, as there was now more than one mosque on every street, and madrassas were developed to better teach Islam and integrate the philosophies of the religion in the community. 

Photo 2: A corner market named Tawakal which translates to trust in Arabic.Credit: Wajiha Mekki
Photo 2: A corner market named Tawakal which translates to trust in Arabic.
Credit: Wajiha Mekki

Current Challenges

The bright colors of Bo-Kaap represent hope, but that hope is being dimmed by current challenges. As a result of Cape Town’s economic development and expansion, property in Bo-Kaap is sought after. Businesses, AirBnBs, and other businesses are popping up. But this growth has been at the expense of the community, which is facing a dissolution of its character and unity. It has also negatively impacted community members by resulting in the eviction of long-term tenants due to landlords raising the rents and changing ownership to pursue commercial properties over residential ones, effectively leaving communities to have lived there for years without stability.

In the face of these difficulties, there have been many efforts to preserve the community and heritage of Bo-Kaap. One way has been the establishment of Bo-Kaap as a Heritage Protection Overlay Zone, which is a special planning layer for Bo-Kaap to protect its historic nature. This is effective on paper, but residents have mentioned the presence of loopholes that make it difficult for this measure alone to truly protect the community in Bo-Kaap. Protests are also critical in how the community expresses its concern, as protests allow residents to share their sentiments about how they are overwhelmed by extreme tourism.

The situation described here depicts the tension between development and cultural rights, especially as the right to housing security and the right to cultural heritage are emerging as dimensions of human rights. 

Photo 3: Photo of lined houses on Dorp street in Bo-Kaap.Credit: Wajiha Mekki
Photo 3: Photo of lined houses on Dorp street in Bo-Kaap.
Credit: Wajiha Mekki

Why Bo-Kaap Matters Today

From slavery to Apartheid to gentrification, Bo-Kaap represents a community that safeguards human rights. The idea of identity and heritage being at the core of human rights in Bo-Kaap represents the global struggle of equity, equality, and inclusion. In the modern context of communities striving for space, history, and belonging, it is critical to understand marginalized communities and understand their contributions to society. In addition, protecting these places strengthens human rights and democratic values across the nation.

As I reflect on my time in Bo-Kaap and on being in the community to learn, I am grateful to have observed a sliver of the beauty of the community and am confident that intentional engagement with communities, where visitors seek to learn rather than consume, will support the long term development of communities across the world. Bo-Kaap and its resilience through Apartheid and gentrification demonstrate the value of community when approaching challenges. The Bo-Kaap community has suffered many violations of the right to housing, expression, and more; as we work to support communities, it is critical to listen to their stories and approach solutions holistically.

 

Prime Minister of Bangladesh Sentenced to Death

An illustration of Bangladesh with protest against the 30% quota.
Image 1: Illustration, students killed in Bangladesh, Quota reform movement/anti-quota protest. Source Adobe Express. By Nasima. Asset ID: 902673984

More than a year ago, in 2024, a student-lead protest turned violent, after armed forces began attacking. Recently, the former Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina, and her Minister of Home Affairs, Asadduzzaman Khan Kamal, were accused of crimes against humanity. Both were found guilty of these crimes on November 17, 2025 by the International Crime Tribunal of Bangladesh. Those in attendance cheered as the verdict was announced; many had been personally affect by the violent attacks on the protest, either by injury or having lost a loved one. The seats meant for Hasina and Kamal remained empty throughout the entirety of the trial. This did little to stifle the pure excitement that filled the walls, inside and outside, as the words death penalty fell from Justice Md Golam Mortuza Mozumder’s lips. For their crimes against humanity, both of the accused are condemned to the ultimate punishment: death.  

It is worth noting that the death penalty directly undermines the right to life and the right to not experience inhumane punishment. These rights are outlined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). The first, right to life, is discussed in Article 3 of the UDHR and the second, no inhumane punishment, is talked about in Article 5 of the UDHR.

The three week student-led protests in 2024 ended in violence and the death of hundreds of students. The protests were against the reinstatement of a 30% quota that reserved government positions for family members of veterans from Bangladesh’s independence war. In a blog post titled The Awaiting Arrest Warrant of Bangladesh, Tamanna Patel offered an in-depth evaluation of the protests, the escalation of violence, and Hasina’s resignation of power. Building on this, this blog will briefly discuss the events that occurred during the protest, the aftermath of the protest, and Hasina and Kamal’s trial, verdict, and sentencing. 

The History and Allegations

Dhanmondi, Dhaka Bangladesh burning cars after Hasina fell from power, August 5th, 2024. Source: Adobe Express. By Tanbin Asset ID: 956192001
Image 2: Dhanmondi, Dhaka Bangladesh, burning cars after Hasina fell from power, August 5th, 2024. Source: Adobe Express. By Tanbin Asset ID: 956192001

What started as a peaceful protest on July 15th, 2024 by Dhaka University students quickly turned deadly when armed forces began attacking protesters. Batons were swung, guns raised, and tear gas fired into the crowds by members of the Bangladesh Chatra League (BCL) and later by the police. The steadily increasing death toll fueled the discontent amongst protesters. After the country went offline for five days, the death toll rose to 200 and the arrested to a minimum of 2,500.

According to Article 41 of the United Nation (UN) Charter, the Security Council has the right to conduct international tribunals and put those who are accused of heinous crimes, such as crimes against humanity, on trial. In the aftermath of the protests, the International Crimes Tribunal of Bangladesh was tasked with bringing a case forward against Hasina, Kamal, and the former police chief Chowdhury Abdullah Al-Mamun, all of whom played a hand in ordering Bangladesh’s armed forces to use lethal weapon against students during the protests. The attacks on protesters with lethal weapons are considered crimes against humanity. Because of their involvement, all three of the accused were tried for the crime of purposely targeting civilians. 

The Trial, Verdict, and Sentencing

The Bangladesh flag against a blue sky.
Image 3: The national flag of Bangladesh against a blue sky. Source: Adobe Express. By GDMatthews. Asset ID: 515525562

The following elements must be met for a crime to be considered a “crime against humanity.” The first is that “the perpetrator killed one or more persons.” In the case of Hasina, Kamal, and Al-Mamun, their orders to use lethal weapons on protesters, which resulted in mass casualties, fulfills the requirement for the first element. The second is that the crimes were “committed as part of a systematic or widespread attack directed against a civilian population.” The student protesters would be the civilian population, and the multiple attacks at various protests across the country within a short time period could be seen as systematic or widespread attacks. The final element is that “conduct was part of or intended … to be part of a widespread or systematic attack against a civilian population.“ For this tribunal, it was essential that the intent behind the attacks on the protesters be proven to be systematic or widespread.

The prosecution’s closing statements on October 16th, 2025 reiterated the severity of the crimes against humanity that Hasina and Kamal committed and called for both to receive the death penalty. The prosecution stated that due to orders by Hasina and Kamal, widespread, systematic attacks were carried out. One of the main arguments supporting this assertion was that members of the Awami League —supporters of Hasina– joined the police in violently attacking student protesters. 

The defense, on the other hand, stated that the violence was not widespread, arguing that if it had been, it would have occurred throughout the entirety of Bangladesh. The defense attorney stated that there were not enough witnesses to the violence across the country and that it is possible that some of the videos of violence could be AI. The prosecution team had 54 witnesses and the defense had none. In addition, the defense attorney brought into question the validity of the former chief of police, Chowdhury Abdullah Al-Mamun’s, testimony, as he could just be throwing the blame onto the other two accused. 

Experts at the Atlantic Council, a think tank, note that this sentencing might further increase division within Bangladesh. With elections quickly approaching, the former ruling party, Awami League, has essentially been banned from running. Because of this, the possibility of further violence is a valid concern. For some, the death penalty is critical for holding the government accountable. Others believe the sentencing is not justice and will only work to further polarize the people of Bangladesh. 

Undoubtedly, this verdict and sentencing have offered the families and friends of those killed in the protest some form of comfort. For many closely affected by the aftermath of the 2024 protests, this is justice. For others, the speed of the trial, absence of the defendants, and the banning of the Awami League from national elections make the tribunals seem politically motivated. While Hasina and Kamal received the death penalty, the former chief of police received only five years in prison. Although he did testify against the two leaders, there is a significant gap in the severity of the punishments. With Hasina and Kamal remaining in India, it is not yet clear whether they will be extradited by the Indian government. Dhaka (where the government of Bangladesh is located) has implemented an extradition treaty, but New Delhi responded that they will do what benefits the people of Bangladesh the most.

Conclusion

Although the fairness of the trial has been brought into question, the consequences of the armed forces attacking student protestors remains. It is evident the people of Bangladesh desire governmental change and accountability for its past actions. Using lethal weapons on civilians is a crime against humanity. For now, Hasina and Kamal have not been extradited, and it is uncertain whether or not their punishment will occur. Indeed, the punishment in itself can be viewed as a human rights violation. While their crimes undoubtedly undermined human life, so too does their sentencing undermine their right to life. It is a vicious cycle of violence that occurs when the death penalty is used. Regardless of their punishment, there is little that can be said to justify such a use of force. Only time will tell whether or not those responsible for such crimes will be punished. 

Satellite Images of Sudan: The Massacre of El-Fasher

Refugee camp for internally displaced persons, with poor living conditions, lack of water, hygiene, shelter and food.
image 1: Refugee camp for internally displace persons (IDPs). Source: Adobe Stock. By Miros. Asset ID: 541706476.

From far away, the tiny objects littering the grounds of El-Fasher, Sudan might not look like anything, slightly discolored; their white and red spots show a stark contrast to the once empty space captured by Satellite images a couple of days prior. Other images show burnt vehicles and dark spots outside of buildings. To the untrained eye, they might not look like much, but the images, collected on October 28, 2025, verify the ongoing massacre of the city, and the white and red discoloration, the bodies of those killed.  

Yale University’s Humanitarian Crisis research team has been collecting satellite images of Sudan throughout the civil war. Recent results found that 31 of the clusters from the satellite images were consistent with human remains. Communication within El Fasher has been extremely restricted since the invasion and mass killings by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Those who escaped report people being beaten, robbed, and killed in their pursuit to escape, with children witnessing their parents being gunned down. One of the most concerning factors, reported by Yale University, is the absence of movement within the city. 

The ongoing civil war in Sudan, which began in April 2023, has resulted in the destruction of cities, the death of thousands, and the starvation and displacement of millions. In my previous blog, Chlorine Warfare in Sudan’s Ongoing Humanitarian Crisis, the SAF’s use of chlorine gas was evaluated in relation to International Humanitarian Law, along with the humanitarian crisis in Sudan. With the recent massacre of El-Fasher, satellite images have further highlighted the devastation of the war. 

International Humanitarian Law outlines the protections of civilians, medical workers, civilian infrastructure, and hospitals. Violations of these are considered war crimes. Throughout the war, both the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Force (RSF) have violated International Humanitarian Law and committed war crimes. This blog will discuss the recent satellite images and the end to the 500-day siege of El-Fasher, which highlights the human rights and international humanitarian law violations that are occurring there.

The End of the 500 Day Siege and the Massacre of El-Fasher

Map of Sudan that shows the main conflict forces. Source: Adobe Stock. By Serhii. Asset ID: 817218906
Image 2: Map of Sudan: Main Conflict Forces. Source: Adobe Stock. By Serhii. Asset ID: 817218906

Darfur, a region located in west Sudan, holds El-Fasher, the capital of North Darfur. This region borders Chad, which has seen an influx in refugees since the start of the civil war. El-Fasher was the last major stronghold controlled by the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) in Darfur. On October 23, 2025, after the 500-day siege of El Fasher, RSF fighters targeted civilian homes; large scale execution, starvation, and sexual violence have ensued. 

Targeting civilians, civilian infrastructure, hospitals, medical workers, and humanitarian workers are all violations of International Humanitarian Law and constitute war crimes. There have also been reports of summary executions that specifically target certain ethnic groups. Summary killing means the execution of a person or people who are accused of a crime but have not been given a trial. 

In Tawila, a town close to El-Fasher, 652,000 displaced people are taking shelter. Since the RSF took control of El Fasher, hospitals, their patients and medical workers have been targeted. Reports state that in the Saudi Maternity Hospital, which is located in El-Fasher, patients were massacred, medics were attacked, and humanitarian workers were targeted. In this hospital, which had survived multiple bombings and continued to offer medical aid, close to 500 people were executed.

While the RSF have consistently committed atrocities against civilians and humanitarian aid workers, the SAF have also recklessly bombed areas, which has caused the death of civilians and reduced civilian infrastructure to rubble. The SAF has also contributed to the increase in sexual violence throughout the war, tortured people, desecrated bodies, and killed people without first giving them a trial. 

In Human Rights Watch’s report on Sudan, they stated that both the RSF and the SAF are complicit in blocking aid. Both sides have also knowingly targeted local first responders. Throughout the war, one thing has been apparent; both sides are willing to target civilians and commit war crimes in order to get what they want. This brutality has been dramatically apparent in El-Fasher, where there is disturbing evidence that a massacre is likely to have occurred there in recent weeks. 

Satellite Imaging Evidence

Peaceful protester holds sign representing Sudanese flag in front of his face. Source: Adobe Stock. By: Gérard Bottino. Assert ID#: 273049844.
Image 3: Peaceful protester holds sign representing Sudanese flag in front of his face. Source: Adobe Stock. By: Gérard Bottino. Assert ID#: 273049844.

There are many difficulties in gathering accurate information about ongoing atrocities, given the dangers of reporting from such areas and the challenges of communicating information from the affected areas to the outside world. Because of this, satellite imagery can be highly useful for producing real-time assessments of severe human rights abuses such as those being committed in El-Fasher. Throughout the end of October, 2025, Yale University observed and collected satellite imaging of El-Fasher, Sudan. In a side by side of two images, there are clusters of objects and ground discoloration. On October 27th, the viewer can see a group of objects with red and white discoloration around it. Just four days later, on October 31st, you can see the cluster on the ground, but the red and white discoloration have faded. This can be seen in Yale University’s Humanitarian Crisis Research Lab’s report on satellite imaging in El-Fasher, Sudan, on page 28. The report interprets this information as follows:

“Yale HRL assesses the fading of red discoloration as an additional data point corroborating its assessments that these discolorations are related to bodily fluid including red” (pg. 7, Yale School of Public Health: Humanitarian Research Lab). 

On page 29 of the report, you can see clusters of objects near and around the Al-Saudi Hospital, taken on October 28, 2025. In the images, white objects surround the outside walls of the hospital. These objects are not seen in satellite images that were taken of the area prior to October 28th, and they are not seen again in images taken on October 31st, see page 30. 

Yale HRL reports that its recent satellite images have not picked up any mass movement heading out of El-Fasher, even though the city was said to have an estimated 250,000 people living there. The lack of movement is suspicious, and Yale HRL interprets it as indicating “that the majority of civilians are dead, captured, or in hiding” (see page 3 of the report). In the absence of reliable communications from El-Fasher, this satellite imagery provides essential documentation of likely human rights abuses that can be used to inform the human rights community and spur people to action. 

Conclusion

In the weeks since RSF ransacked El-Fasher, around 100,00 people have escaped to nearby villages. The situation in Sudan continues to be critical, and the situation in El-Fasher, dire. There are still people trapped within the city, and little information has come out in regards to how many were killed by the RSF. 

The estimated number of people residing in El-Fasher before the conflict was 250,000, not including those taking refuge there. With only 100,000 people having been reported to have escaped, this leaves over half the population of El-Fasher unaccounted for. According to the reports, there has been little movement within the city, with the images of clusters and discolorations a testament to that. These indications that grave human rights abuses have recently been committed in El-Fasher should concern human rights defenders everywhere. 

Chlorine Warfare in Sudan’s Ongoing Humanitarian Crisis

Peaceful protester holds sign representing Sudanese flag in front of his face.
Image 1: Peaceful protester holds sign representing Sudanese flag in front of his face. Source: Adobe Stock. By: Gérard Bottino. Assert ID#: 273049844.

Gaseous chlorine is a yellow-greenish gas that, when inhaled, is extremely toxic and harmful to the body. It is a pulmonary irritant that burns conjunctiva, the throat, and the bronchial tree. In plain terms, it is a choking agent. When chlorine gas is inhaled, the respiratory tract is severely affected. The air sac in the lungs begins to secrete fluid, which causes a person to feel as if they are drowning. When used as a weapon, chlorine gas causes severe respiratory issues and, in extreme cases, death.

Recently, evidence has been brought forth in regards to Sudan’s military using chlorine gas as a weapon. The use of chlorine gas as a weapon goes against the Chemical Weapons Convention and is considered a war crime. Previously, at the end of 2024, a blog was written in relation to the civil war in Sudan by another blog writer. If you would like to read about the beginning of the war check out Delisha Valacheril’s blog post Civil War in Sudan: What is Happening and How to Help. This blog will address the Sudanese military’s use of chlorine gas amidst the humanitarian crisis and ongoing civil war in Sudan.

The Sudanese Military’s Use of Chlorine Gas:

Image 2: Sudanese soldier with assault rifle.
Image 2: Sudanese soldier with assault rifle. Source Adobe Stock. By: Bumble Dee. Asset ID#388763922.

On May 22, 2025, the U.S. Department of State released a press statement that determined that the Sudanese military had used chemical weapons in 2024 that were in violation of the Chemical and Biological Weapons Control and Warfare Elimination Act of 1991 (CBW Act). The statement neglected to detail which chemicals were used, and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) denied any such use of chemicals.

Since the U.S. Department of State’s press statement in May 2025, new evidence of the Sudanese military’s using chemical weapons has emerged. International news channel France 24 observed two incidents that occurred in September 2024, where the Sudanese Army was attempting to recapture al-Jaili oil refinery, which was then under Rapid Support Forces (RSF) control. In France 24’s investigation, they discovered that the chlorine canisters found around the oil refinery could only be carried by aircraft that the Sudanese military has exclusive access to.

Along with that, one of the oil barrels was imported from India by a Sudanese company that also supplies the Sudanese Army. The pictures and videos containing evidence of chlorine gas being used can be viewed in France 24’s report, linked here. In the pictures yellow-green clouds and large canisters with the remnant of a bright yellow chemical can be seen.

From a legal lens, all nations that ratify a convention or treaty are legally obligated to follow those regulations and rules. Violations of the Chemical Weapons Convention are considered war crimes and are potentially punishable in the International Criminal Court (ICC). Sudan ratified the Chemical Weapons Convention in 1999, meaning that the state is legally obligated to adhere to the agreed-upon terms of the convention.

Utilizing chlorine gas as a weapon is a violation of the Chemical Weapons Convention. As such, the use of chemicals by Sudan’s military is considered a war crime and, should the individuals responsible be identified, they could be punished in the International Criminal Court (ICC). This violation also goes against international humanitarian law, which seeks to decrease the effects of armed conflict and protects non-combatants. The deliberate use of chlorine gas, which affected not only RSF, but also civilians working at the oil refinery, emphasizes the growing danger in Sudan.

The Ongoing War in Sudan and Humanitarian Crisis:

Refugee camp full of people who took refuge due to insecurity and armed conflict.
Image 3: Refugee camp full of people who took refuge due to insecurity and armed conflict. Source: Adobe Stock. By: Miros. Asset ID#541706323

The ongoing war officially began April 15, 2023 when Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and RSF engaged in violent conflict, which both sides stated the other started. Prior to the war, tensions had been increasing between leadership of the SAF and RSF. Background on the conflict and leadership is available in the aforementioned blog post Civil War in Sudan: What is Happening and How to Help.

However, as far back as 2016, there have been reports of chemical weapons being used on people in Darfur, a remote area in Sudan. Amnesty International found evidence that these weapons had resulted in the injury and death of many Sudanese civilians. In September of 2016, Amnesty International reported that around 30 chemical attacks were used in remote areas within Darfur, Sudan. These attacks resulted in chemical injuries and painful deaths. The people most affected by these attacks were children. In interviews, Darfurian villagers talk about blistering skin and rashes amongst many other symptoms from chemical exposure.

The struggle of Sudan has been a largely silent affair, one that is often overlooked by the media and the rest of the world. The lack of coverage of this conflict happens in spite of the fact that Sudan is currently experiencing the world’s biggest humanitarian crisis since World War II. The fight for power between SAF and RSF has left many areas of Sudan completely destroyed. Families have been forced to flee their homes, crops have been decimated, and villages have been set ablaze.

Since the fighting began, an estimated 150,000 people have been killed, and another 14 million have been displaced. Due to the large influx of people fleeing the conflict, refugee camps in South Sudan, Ethiopia, and Chad have been filled past their capacity. Furthermore, because of the fighting between the Sudanese army and the RSF militia, close to 30 million people in Sudan need assistance in various forms, such as medical attention, food aid, housing, etc. On the border of Chad and Sudan, around 850,000 people are seeking refuge and aid.

Throughout the war, hospitals, schools, and homes have been targeted and destroyed. This is another violation of international humanitarian law, no matter which side targeted civilian infrastructure. With housing and hospitals continuing to be destroyed, food insecurity and malnutrition are steadily increasing.

Conclusion:

When chlorine gas is used, or any gaseous chemical for that matter, it does not discriminate in who is affected. It burns the lungs and restricts the breathing of anyone it touches: combatant, non-combatant, or children. The use of such weapons is in violation of the Chemical Weapons Convention and international humanitarian law. It is a war crime, and it is something that no person, least of all children, should experience.

The war in Sudan has been ongoing for over 2 years now. The people of Sudan continue to suffer, and the conflict shows little sign of ending soon. Moments like this underscore the urgent need for humanitarian aid and media attention.

“Hidden in Plain Sight”: Child Sex Trafficking in Alabama

On a humid summer morning in 2025, investigators in Bibb County, Alabama, followed a tip to a property behind a small home in the city of Brent. They say they discovered an underground bunker that had been repurposed into a site of horrific abuse involving at least 10 children, ages 3 to 15. Seven individuals, some of them related to the victims, were arrested on charges that included human trafficking, rape, sexual torture, and kidnapping. The sheriff called it the worst case he had seen in three decades, and more arrests could still come as the investigation develops.

Adobe Stock. File #: 297986967; ‘Shadows in a dark black room.’ By Светлана Евграфова

Stories like this are shocking, but they are not isolated. Sex trafficking thrives in secrecy and shame, and it depends on community silence to survive. This post explains what sex trafficking is under federal and Alabama law, how recent state legislation increased penalties, what warning signs look like in everyday settings, and exactly how to report concerns safely.

What the Law Means by “Sex Trafficking”

Federal law (TVPA & 18 U.S.C. § 1591)

The Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) is the main federal law to fight human trafficking. It created programs to prevent trafficking, protect survivors, and prosecute traffickers. A key part of this law is 18 U.S.C. § 1591, which makes sex trafficking a serious federal crime. It says that anyone who recruits, transports, or profits from someone in sex trafficking, especially minors, or adults forced by fraud, threats, or coercion, can face very long prison sentences and hefty fines. The law focuses on both holding traffickers accountable and assisting survivors in rebuilding their lives. Importantly, force, fraud, or coercion does not need to be proven when the victim is under 18. That is the bright line of federal law: a child cannot consent to commercial sex.

Adobe Stock. File #: 298570791; ‘Stop child abuse. Human is not a product.’ By AtjananC.

Alabama makes human trafficking a serious crime under its criminal code.

  • First-degree trafficking (Ala. Code § 13A-6-152): This covers forcing someone into sexual servitude or exploiting a minor for sex.
  • Second-degree trafficking (Ala. Code § 13A-6-153): This includes recruiting, transporting, or making money from trafficking, even if the person isn’t directly exploiting the victim.

In April 2024, Alabama passed the “Sound of Freedom Act” (HB 42). This law increased penalties: if someone is convicted of first-degree trafficking involving a minor, they must receive a life sentence, making the punishment even stronger than the usual Class A felony.

Before HB 42, Alabama’s Class A felonies carried 10–99 years or life. The new law removes judicial discretion for minor-victim cases by requiring at least life imprisonment upon conviction for first-degree trafficking.

Adobe Stock; File #209721316; ‘Offender criminal locked in jail’. By methaphum

Why “Coercion” Isn’t Always What You Think

In the public imagination, trafficking looks like kidnapping by strangers. Sometimes it is. More often, it looks like grooming and manipulation by someone the child knows, an older “boyfriend,” a family member, a family acquaintance, someone who offers rides, cash, substances, or a place to crash. Under both federal and Alabama law, proof of force, fraud, or coercion is not required when the victim is under 18, because the law recognizes how easily minors can be exploited.

Where Sex Trafficking Hides—And the Red Flags

Trafficking can occur in short-term rentals, hotels, truck stops, private residences, and online (through social media, gaming platforms, and messaging apps). No community is immune – rural, suburban, and urban areas all see cases. You may notice a child who:

  • Is suddenly disengaged from school and activities
  • Has unexplained injuries
  • Has new “friends” and gifts
  • Has an adult who answers for them
  • Has restricted movement
  • Has signs of deprivation
  • Appears coached in what to say.
Adobe Stock: File #:176601576. Woman sitting on bed in room with light from window. By yupachingping

Educators, coaches, healthcare providers, youth pastors, and even neighbors are often the first to spot concerns. Alabama’s recent case in Bibb County proves that abuse networks can be family-linked and community-embedded, not organized by only outsiders. Trust your instincts; the law backs you up when you report in good faith.

If You See Something: How to Report in Alabama

  • Immediate danger? Call 911.
  • Children (under 18): In Alabama, make a report to your county Department of Human Resources (DHR) or local law enforcement. DHR maintains a county-by-county contact directory and guidance on how to report child abuse/neglect.
  • National Human Trafficking Hotline (24/7): 1-888-373-7888, text 233733 (BeFree), or chat online. Advocates provide confidential help and can connect callers to local services.

A note for mandated reporters:

Alabama’s mandated reporting law (Ala. Code § 26-14-3) requires many professionals, including teachers, healthcare workers, counselors, clergy, and others, to report suspected child abuse or neglect immediately. When in doubt, report; you do not have to prove trafficking to act.

What “Safe Harbor” Means for Children

Across the U.S., Safe Harbor policies aim to treat exploited minors as victims who need services, not as offenders. While states differ in how these protections are implemented, the core idea is consistent: a child who has been bought and sold should receive trauma-informed care and not face prosecution for acts stemming from exploitation. If you work with youth, be aware that Alabama’s human trafficking statutes align with this child-protection lens, and service providers can help navigate options.

A Real Case, Real Lessons

Return to Bibb County. According to reports, some victims in the alleged bunker case were kept underground, drugged, and “sold” to abusers; one suspect is accused of distributing child sexual abuse material. Community members later asked how this could have continued for years without intervention. The uncomfortable answer: it’s easy to miss what you’re not looking for, and it’s hard to report what you can’t imagine happening. That’s why awareness, clear reporting pathways, and strong laws all matter.

Adobe Stock: File #: 495335081 ‘Hidden in plain sight. Closeup shot of a beautiful young womans eye’. By Marco v.d Merwe/peopleimages.com

Practical Steps You Can Take This Week

  1. Save the Hotline: Put 1-888-373-7888 in your phone under “Human Trafficking Hotline.” Please share it with colleagues and students in age-appropriate ways.
  2. Know your local contact: Look up your county DHR reporting number and bookmark it. If you work in a school or clinic, post it in staff areas.
  3. Review indicators: Spend 10 minutes with DHS’s Blue Campaign indicators and guidance for identifying victims. Consider how these apply in your setting (classroom, clinic, church, etc.).
  4. Clarify your duty to report: If you’re a mandated reporter, review Alabama’s summary materials and your organization’s internal protocol to be prepared before a crisis.
  5. Combat myths: Remember, children cannot consent to commercial sex, and proof of force or violence is not required for a child sex trafficking case under federal law.

Bottom Line

Sex trafficking can surface anywhere—including small Alabama towns. Federal law treats any commercial sexual exploitation of a minor as trafficking, full stop; Alabama now backs that stance with one of the harshest penalties in the country when the victim is a child. Awareness is not enough unless it’s paired with action: see the signs, make the call, and let the system take care of the rest.

Adobe Express Stock Images. File #: 300469288; ‘IT’S TIME TO TALK ABOUT IT’. By New Africa

Former Filipino President Duterte Charged with Crimes Against Humanity

Rodrigo Duterte, former president of the Philippines for six years, led a notorious war on drugs throughout his tenure. This led to the murder of at least 6,000 drug users, sellers and manufacturers, although the real number could be much higher. Many were killed without trial, and Duterte is now being held in the ICC court for charges linked to murders during his time as Governor and President.

Duterte’s War on Drugs

Protesters standing with signs in their hands reading: "Duterte: Stop Killing People Who Use Drugs"
Protesters against Duterte’s violent War on Drugs Source: VOCAL-NY (Voices Of Community Activists & Leaders), CC BY 2.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0>, via Wikimedia Commons

Angelo Lafuente, a 23-year-old repairman, was seized in a police raid of his neighborhood at 4 p.m. on August 18, 2016. Mere hours later, he was reported dead to his family, who was given images of his body with gunshot wounds. Although people saw him being taken by police, the shooting was blamed on unknown gunmen. This is only one of over six thousand who have died during Duterte’s War on Drugs, although some warn the true number of casualties could run much higher. 

Duterte’s emphatic anti-drug rhetoric was often seen as encouragement for police agencies to kill drug users. Indeed, Duterte himself said that he hired a death squad during his time as mayor of Davao and that he told police to encourage suspects to fight back so they could justify killings as self-defense. 

Duterte and his supporters also went after opponents to the war on drugs so that no meaningful resistance remained. The most vocal and powerful critic of Duterte, Senator Leila de Lima, was removed from her chair on the Senate Committee for Justice and Human Rights in September of 2016. This move came shortly after she called for an investigation into the rampant drug war killings. The hearings themselves prompted even further pushback from Duterte’s crowd, with Duterte himself going so far as to say de Lima should “hang herself” and then arresting her in February 2017 for violating the Dangerous Drugs Act.

ICC Charges

The International Crime Court at the Hague, where Duterte is currently being held awaiting trial
The International Criminal Court (ICC) at The Hague, Netherlands, where Duterte is currently awaiting trial. Source: Tony Webster, CC BY 2.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0>, via Wikimedia Commons

Duterte’s presidency ended in 2022, and the ICC filed for an arrest warrant against him in February of 2025 for the crimes against humanity including murder, torture and rape. The warrant was officially issued in March, and Duterte was arrested pursuant the warrant by authorities in the Philippines before being surrendered to the ICC. 

Officially, Duterte has been charged 3 times: the first charge is with regards to his time as mayor of Davao and his involvement in the murder of 19 people between 2013 and 2016. His second charge is during his time of presidency with the murder of 14 high value targets across the Philippines, while his third charge is from the murder and attempted murder of 45 people in operations related to clearing out villages and evidence.

In his testimony in front of the Senate, Duterte admitted to and defended his Drug War, while also emphasizing that he never asked his police force to murder suspects directly but instead to encourage fighting back so killings could be justified as self-defense. This hearing was impactful, as Duterte was finally required to explain his actions and involvement in the violence around his country.

Testimony was heard from family members of those killed, and the accused were allowed in the court to face Duterte. Duterte offered no apologies for his involvement in the war on drugs.

Political Impact and Infighting

Current Philippine President Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr.
Current Philippine President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. Source: Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

There are issues with the ongoing trial, including that Duterte still holds considerable power, and regardless of how legitimate the trial is, it may be perceived in the Philippines as more of a political maneuver than a means for justice and accountability. Also, interestingly, by surrendering Duterte to international courts, the Philippines is no longer able to pursue him within their own jurisdiction.

The current president of the Philippines, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., could have easily ignored the ICC warrant for Duterte’s arrest and decided not surrender him. It seems entirely possible that Marcos Jr. decided to give up Duterte because of recent bad blood between Marcos Jr. and Duterte. This feud happened because while Duterte and his allies helped current President Marcos Jr. secure his position in 2022, they have since begun criticizing his rule, with Duterte himself calling him a “weak leader” and publicly criticizing him.

While having the chance to put Duterte on trial is a large step forward for the ICC, this is only possible because of the willingness of the Philippines to cooperate. Duterte still has considerable popularity and political power in the Philippines, and he was even elected mayor of Davao again in May, despite being held in prison. Given his current popularity and the clash between large political figures in the Philippines, many politicians are remaining quiet or reserved with their remarks about the current situation.

Rodrigo Duterte speaking into a microphone at a podium
Former President Rodrigo Duterte giving a speech during his presidency Source: PCOO EDP, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

Holding Duterte accountable for his actions is a huge accomplishment for the ICC, and time will tell what effects this will have on the international scale. While we have seen that there is some accountability and power through the ICC, there are also many questions about the impacts this will have on the Filipino political landscape. The hearing for Duterte has been postponed due to his poor health, but the trial shows that there is still hope for justice and answers for those affected by the war on drugs.

UN Conference on Rohingya: Spotlight on a Forgotten People

The Rohingya, a stateless Muslim ethnic minority, have been the victims of a decades-long ethnic cleansing campaign. Their native country, Myanmar, does not recognize them as citizens; because of this, they are denied basic rights. In 2017, over 742,000 Rohingya were forcibly displaced to refugee camps in neighboring Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, following mass killings and attacks on their villages. More have been displaced after a 2021 military coup and subsequent civil war. 

The image depicts two women looking towards a shack in a Bangladesh refugee camp.
Image 1: Women in a refugee camp. Source: Adobe Stock.

UN’s High-Level Conference on Rohingya Muslims and Other Minorities in Myanmar 

On September 30, 2025, the UN held a conference on the Rohingya population, which hosted speakers including Rohingya leader Lucky Karim, the Bangladesh interim leader Muhammad Yunus, and Wai Wai Nu, the executive director of the Women’s Peace Network-Myanmar. Speakers urged the international community to take immediate action for the protection of the Rohingya people. The impacts of aid cuts, the necessity of sanctions on Myanmar, and the importance of immediate repatriation of Rohingya to their homeland were discussed. 

Background: A Long History, 2017 mass expulsion, and Ongoing Civil War 

Ethnic tensions between the Rohingya minority and the Buddhist majority ethnic groups existed long before the 2017 mass exodus of Rohingya to Bangladesh. In 1982, Myanmar’s government denied the Rohingyas’ status as an ethnic group, making them stateless. In 2017, following Rohingya militant attacks on police outposts, Myanmar’s troops and local mobs attacked and burned Rohingya villages, killing 6,700 Rohingya and perpetrating sexual violence on women and girls.  

Following these atrocities, cases were filed in the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on behalf of the Rohingya, which are still pending. Most Rohingya fled to Bangladesh as refugees, where over a million remain in refugee camps. 

In 2021, civil war broke out following a military coup in Myanmar. After years of an unsteady power-sharing agreement between the military and democratically elected leaders, the military declared the 2020 election, won by the National League for Democracy (NLD), illegitimate. Myriad forces opposed the military junta, forming pro-democracy coalitions and ethnic rebel militant groups, like the Arakan Army. 

The Arakan Army currently controls most of the Rakhine State and the Myanmar-Bangladesh border. Rohingya are caught in the middle of the civil war. Rohingya have reported massive restrictions on freedoms under the Arakan Army control, and other human rights abuses like extrajudicial killings and forced labor.  

The image depicts a run-down refugee camp in Bangladesh
Image 2: Rohingya refugee camp in Cox’s Bazaar, Bangladesh. Source: Adobe Stock.

Displacement in Bangladesh 

Over one million Rohingya now live in dire conditions in refugee camps in Bangladesh. They rely almost entirely on international humanitarian aid and are largely unable to find work. Bangladesh’s interim leader, Yunus, told the UN during the Conference that Bangladesh is “forced to bear huge financial, social and environmental costs” due to the refugee crisis. Following aid cuts, particularly those made by the Trump administration to USAID, non-emergency medical care and food resources provided by the World Food Program were drastically reduced, exacerbating an already grim situation. At the Conference, the US pledged $60 million to support Rohingya refugees while urging other governments and organizations to step up.  

Repatriation 

While the Bangladeshi government and the Rohingya themselves hope for repatriation back to Myanmar, the conditions are still too hostile for immediate return. Both the military junta and Arakan Army are accused of grave human rights abuses against Rohingya, and if the Rohingya returned, their situation might be even more dangerous than in the poorly funded Bangladeshi camps. A Human Rights Watch investigation revealed that the Arakan Army has committed widespread arson on Rohingya villages and stoked ethnic tensions by unlawfully recruiting Rohingya men and boys.  

Rohingya representatives at the UN Conference stated their need for international protection to make progress toward the Rohingyas’ return to Myanmar. Rofik Husson, Founder of the Arakan Youth Peace Network, reiterated the wish of Rohingyas to live in their “ancestral homeland with safety and security.” He added that the issue of Rohingya repatriation and safety is a “test for this Assembly and a test for humanity itself.” 

While the chances of repatriation to Myanmar remain slim, other actions must be taken to improve the situation of Rohingya refugees. Funding shortfalls, limited mobility, and a lack of formal education have cost the Rohingya their freedom and livelihoods.  

Conference Shortfalls, Outside Solutions 

UN Representative Statements: UN delegates from across the world offered different perspectives on the Rohingya situation, as outlined by the United Nations’ press release regarding the Conference. Myanmar’s delegate to the UN urged the international community to reject the military junta’s planned December election as illegitimate, stating that the military is the root of Myanmar’s crisis. The representative of Poland condemned the employment of advanced military technologies on civilians, while Türkiye’s representative urged Myanmar to comply with the International Court of Justice. China’s delegate warned against politicizing human rights and called for dialogue between Bangladesh and Myanmar. 

Few concrete commitments were made at the Conference for improving the Rohingyas’ situation, other than international aid offered by the US and UK, which still does not bridge the funding gap required to create decent and stable conditions within the Cox’s Bazar camps. The Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights organization suggested some solutions to the international community following the conference. These include: 

  • Reduce mobility restrictions to allow for development and reduce aid dependency within Cox’s Bazar camps 
  • Regional states recognize Rohingya as refugees and ensure refugees do not return to Myanmar under detrimental conditions (also called non-refoulement) 
  • Refer the Myanmar situation to the ICC while U.N. member states prosecute individual perpetrators under the principle of universal jurisdiction 
  • Impose an embargo on military supplies to Myanmar and reject the military junta as illegitimate 

Rohingya Perspectives on Their History and Future 

Perhaps the most powerful and illuminating moments from the Conference came from the Rohingya representatives themselves, however. The first Rohingya to attend New York University, Maung Sawyeddollah, emphasized the international community’s role in empowering the Rohingya community, particularly through higher education. He urged universities to give lifelines to Rohingya students, who lack access to formal education in refugee camps. “It’s not a big burden for a university to offer one or two scholarships to Rohingya students in an academic year,” Sawyeddollah stated. 

Lucky Karim recounted fleeing Myanmar in 2017 to Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, and then her return to the camp years later. She stressed that the genocide of the Rohingya is not an isolated event. It did not begin or end with the 2017 mass expulsion to Bangladesh, stating, “Rohingya have been refugees to Bangladesh numerous times, even before 2017, and we keep going back and forth to Myanmar, and it’s never been sustainable.”  

Karim spoke of the conditions she returned to earlier this year in Cox’s Bazar, where aid cuts shut down healthcare facilities, and new arrivals were forced to share already overcrowded shelters. Her hope is for a stable and permanent repatriation of Rohingya refugees to the Rakhine state.  

Despite the powerful statements from Rohingya leaders, some noted that no Rohingya who currently reside in the Cox’s Bazar camps were present at the Conference. Some officials cited logistical obstacles, but the Rohingya lamented that the voices of those within the camps were not heard. 

The image depicts a child playing on the fence of the Bangladesh refugee camp.
Image 3: Child climbs fence at refugee camp. Source: Adobe Stock.

Unanswered Questions and the International Community’s Role 

There is much to be done for Rohingya refugees and those still living in Myanmar. Converging crises prevent effective solutions, and the wider conflict within the region overshadows the Rohingyas’ plight. The UN Conference put an international spotlight on the situation of forgotten people; however, few tangible commitments were made at the Conference. To relieve the suffering of the Rohingya, substantial action should be taken to prevent widespread atrocities by the Myanmar military, and the international community should materially invest in Rohingya development, education, and opportunities.

Gendered Vulnerability in Afghanistan’s Earthquake Crisis

 

Earthquakes destruction in Afghanistan.
Image 1: Afghanistan earthquake’s destruction. Source: Yahoo Images.

Recently, two large-scale earthquakes hit Afghanistan, furthering the dire humanitarian crisis. Earthquakes with magnitudes of 6.0 to 6.2 are likely to cause significant damage in largely populated areas. The first, which was a magnitude of 6.0, occurred on August 31. This resulted in around 2,000 deaths, caused thousands to sustain injuries, and damaged health facilities and homes. Unfortunately, four days later, the second earthquake hit, this one being a 6.2 magnitude earthquake. 

In the aftereffects of natural disasters, the people most affected are women and children. In Afghanistan, where women’s rights are being heavily restricted, their ability to access humanitarian aid is limited. Previously, in October 2023, two 6.3 magnitude earthquakes hit Afghanistan. This event and its effects on the women and children was written about in a blog by Delisha. If you would like to read about that, check out her blog, Deadly Earthquake in Afghanistan Magnifies Gender Apartheid Under Taliban Control. For an overview of women’s rights violations in Afghanistan, read my previous blog, A Woman’s World in Afghanistan: An Update on Women’s Rights Violations in Afghanistan. 

For this blog, we will be looking at the most recent earthquake, its effects on women and children, and the humanitarian aid response. Throughout this blog, keep in mind a couple of articles from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). Article 18 relates to women’s freedom of movement and Article 25, right to food, clothing, housing, and medical care. Throughout the Taliban’s recent reign, these rights have continuously been violated. Frequent earthquakes have furthered the humanitarian crisis and highlighted women’s rights issues. 

The Devastating Effects of Earthquakes in Afghanistan 

Traditional Afghan Homes
Image 2: Traditional Afghan Homes. Source: Yahoo Images.

On average, earthquakes kill around 560 people every year in Afghanistan, making it a common natural disaster. The country sits between the Eurasian tectonic plate and the Indian plate, hence why earthquakes are so frequent. The common house in rural Afghanistan is made out of mudbrick, wood, and stone. With frequent earthquakes each year, this causes significant damage and destruction to many homes. 

The Kunar region has been especially affected by the recent earthquakes. Located in the northeastern area of Afghanistan, bordering Pakistan, this remote area had many of their homes destroyed. In response to the destruction, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has provided medical aid to areas like Kunar. Although they are providing support and medical aid, many people still struggle with food security due to the loss of livestock (goats and cows) during the earthquakes. 

Along with the ICRC, the International Rescue Committee (IRC) has been offering food, shelter, and medical aid. After the initial earthquakes, around 85% of those interviewed by IRC had no shelter to sleep in. All of their homes had been destroyed. On average, $80 million in damage occurs every year in Afghanistan due to earthquakes. Because of the recent cutback on humanitarian aid from foreign entities and the rising restrictions on women and girls, the crisis continues to grow.

Women’s Struggles Amidst the Aftermath of Earthquakes

Humanitarian aid distribution in Afghanistan.
Image 3: Humanitarian aid distribution in Afghanistan. Source: Yahoo Images.

The Kunar region has experienced high levels of destruction. As the weather gets colder, the need for more aid becomes increasingly imperative. Around 50% of Afghanistan’s population relies on food aid, but the restriction of movement within Afghanistan makes it difficult for people to gain access to humanitarian aid, including food and medical supplies. These restrictions have made it almost impossible for women and girls to receive this aid, a problem compounded by the fact that 422 health facilities have either closed or have been suspended.

The majority of people injured or killed during the earthquakes were women and girls. Women and girls are not allowed to be in public without a male escort. However, with homes destroyed and sometimes the men and/or sons being killed in the earthquakes, women are left with little means to survive. This makes it difficult to find services or to receive medical aid. 

UN Women is currently appealing for $2.5 million to increase the number of women-led response teams helping in Afghanistan, boost access to services, and create a 6-to-12 month emergency response. This would allow for more critical materials, such as blankets, clothing, and cooking utensils, to be distributed amongst families that remain in temporary shelters. It would also create spaces that women and girls can meet and receive aid. 

The Taliban’s Gender-based Persecution

Afghan women standing in line with Burkas on.
Image 4: Afghan women standing in a line. Source: Yahoo Images.

Since the Taliban took over control of Afghanistan in 2021, the rights of women and girls have been stripped away. Journalists have been detained, and anyone who would oppose the regime has been silenced. 

Donor governments, such as the United States of America, have made significant cuts to aid. Neighboring countries, like Iran and Pakistan, have returned millions of refugees, causing the number of displaced people in Afghanistan to grow. 

As stated in a recent post of mine, women and girls are not allowed to be educated past the sixth grade. Women are also not allowed to attend university, have jobs, leave the house without a male relative, or visit public spaces. 

De facto security has prevented Afghan women workers from entering into the UN Compound in Kabul, Afghanistan. Recently, security had been placed in front of multiple UN entrances to monitor people entering. The Taliban has also restricted women national staff from traveling into the country. Interfering with UN missions is a violation of international law. 

As such, the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued a warrant on July 8, 2025 for the arrests of Haibatullah Akhundeadal (the Taliban’s leader) and Abdul Hakim Haqqani (the Taliban’s chief justice). The charge of the crime is gender-based persecution, which is a crime against humanity. Crimes against humanity are large-scale crimes against civilians. This includes torture, sexual violence, apartheid, and in this case, gender-based persecution. 

This issue of gender-based persecution in Afghanistan has long limited women from receiving aid when disaster hits. It is important that Afghan women’s rights issues continue to get international attention. This way their struggles and fights do not go unnoticed. 

What You Can Do

Entire villages have been destroyed, thousands of people have died, and even more have been injured and displaced. Women and girls’ access to humanitarian aid is limited and hinges on whether or not they have a male relative to escort them or if there are female humanitarian aid workers. Organizations like the International Refugee Committee (IRC), UN Women, and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) have been working to provide aid to the areas most affected by the earthquakes. If you want to help and are able, you can look into donating to any of these organizations. 

Russia/Ukraine War Update Until March 3, 2025: U.S. Relations, Deals, and Human Rights Violations

Ukrainian soldiers on a tank, holding the Ukrainian flag.
Image 1: Ukrainian soldiers on a tank, holding the Ukrainian flag. Source: Yahoo Images.

On Tuesday, February 18th, Russia and the U.S. began a discussion regarding an end to the Russia/Ukraine war. Along with talk about ending the war, the two countries spoke about making improvements to their economic and diplomatic ties. Marco Rubio, the U.S. Secretary of State; Michael Waltz, U.S. President Trump’s national security advisor; Sergey Lavrov, Russia’s Secretary of State; and Yuri Ushakov, President Putin’s foreign affairs advisor, were present at the meeting.

If you’re asking yourself, “Wait, isn’t there a country missing from the meeting?” You would be correct. Ukraine was not present, nor were they invited to the meeting in which the future of their state was being discussed. Ukrainian President Zelenskyy stated that Ukraine would disregard any conclusion the meeting came to, as Ukraine had not been a part of it.

Ukraine received a great deal of American support throughout the Biden Administration’s term in office. Ukraine Oversight reports and tracks funding and aid that has come from the U.S. during the time period of February 2022 until December 2024. The total amount has been $182.8 billion. Of that total $83.4 billion has been used, $57 billion is obligated but not yet distributed, $39.6 billion has been appropriated but is not obligated to be paid, and $2.7 billion has expired. Ukraine has also received aid from the U.S. and other G7 nations, which are France, Japan, Canada, Italy, and the United Kingdom, in the form of a loan program that would provide $20 billion to be paid from frozen Russian assets. The website further breaks down where the money has come from. The U.S. Department of State also offers explanations and breakdowns of what the money was spent on and the aid that was sent to Ukraine.

Ukrainian President Zelenskyy has repeatedly thanked the U.S. for the aid Ukraine has received since the invasion in 2022. In 2022, President Zelenskyy gifted the U.S. Congress with a Ukrainian war flag. He has also thanked the American people on multiple occasions, as well as stated that their money is an investment in the security and future of Ukraine and its people.

U.S. President Trump recently stated that Ukraine had three years to put a stop to this war and that they (presumably meaning Ukraine) should have never started it to begin with. As was stated in my last blog in relation to the Russia/Ukraine war, Russia started the war by invading Ukraine in 2022. Russia also previously illegally annexed Crimea from Ukraine in 2014. To this day Russia still occupies Crimea. While Rubio had exclaimed his excitement for the end of the war and the concept of bringing Russia and the U.S. closer together, Ukrainian forces continued to be overwhelmed by the illegal invasion of Russian troops.

If you are interested in the human rights violations that occurred in 2024 regarding the Russian Ukrainian war, check out my blog post, Russia-Ukraine War Update and Interview With Ukrainian UAB Student. For this blog I will focus on recent developments about U.S. and Ukrainian relations, Ukrainian and European relations, and human rights violations committed by Russia.

Tensions Between Ukraine and U.S. Grow

Two soldiers hold the American flag and the Ukrainian flag.
Image 2: Two soldiers hold the American flag and the Ukrainian flag. Source: Yahoo Images.

Ukraine is a land rich in critical minerals such as ilmenite, which is used in the production of titanium. The vast potential of Ukraine’s critical mineral industry has been untapped due to war and state policies. Recently, the Trump Administration proposed that U.S. companies should have access to these mining pits for ilmenite in exchange for U.S. aid in the war.

The first deal that the U.S. proposed would have Ukraine pay $500 billion worth in minerals while receiving no guarantee of security. They would receive weapons and Ukraine would have to pay a debt for generations. This agreement was rejected by President Zelenskyy on February 15th because it did not protect either Ukraine nor the country’s interests. In an AP article, they talk of Ukrainians’ feelings of unease at the prospects of U.S. businesses on their land. Many people felt that too much would be given away in exchange for weapons.

The second agreement that was drawn up stated that Ukraine would give 50% of its entire revenue on natural resources into a fund. This fund would then be used to invest in projects in Ukraine. As of now, the projects that would be funded are not defined in the agreement and will be further defined in later discussions. This agreement still does not guarantee the security of Ukraine.

The success of this agreement would have been determined in part by the success of private investment in Ukraine’s mineral resources. The ongoing war and reconstruction of Ukrainian infrastructure could hinder investment into the mining of these minerals. With no outlines for Ukraine security, mining companies are hesitant about investing in the country. Mining is an extremely expensive industry, and with the threat of Russian attacks, it is extremely unlikely that a corporation would risk investing in Ukraine.

This new agreement was going to be discussed in person between President Zelenskyy, who traveled to the U.S. on February 28th, 2025, and President Trump. However, during the meeting, not much was able to be said as President Trump, who was seated next to Vice President J.D. Vance, yelled at Ukraine’s President. The mineral agreement was not signed, as was originally intended, during that meeting.

Ukraine has been struggling against Russian forces for three years. Comments made by U.S. defense secretary, Pete Hegseth that Ukraine must give up hope of regaining its territory or getting NATO membership, have poured salt on wounds that have not been given time to heal in the last three years. Ukrainians have been worried over the position they will be left in after a peace agreement between Russia and Ukraine is decided.

For years, the overall Western consensus has been that no agreement will come at the cost of Ukrainians still living in places now occupied by Russia. That viewpoint may now be changing in the United States, and Ukraine and other nations located close to Russia fear that a break in the war will allow Russia’s military to regroup and potentially invade Ukraine again as well as other parts of Europe.

European Nations Uniting

Stairway with Ukrainian flag painted on the walls.
Image 3: Stairway with Ukrainian flag painted on the walls. Source: Yahoo Images.

On Sunday, March 2, 2025, the leaders of Ukraine, Spain, Germany, Italy, Netherlands, Poland, Canada, Finland, Sweden, France, the Czech Republic, Romania, and Britain, as well as the Turkish Foreign Minister, attended a meeting about Ukraine at London’s Lancaster House. This was done in a show of support for Ukraine. During the meeting, the leaders agreed that it was in everyone’s interest that defense efforts be expanded so that peace could finally be accomplished for Ukraine.

It is worth noting that British Prime Minister Keir Starmer still said that the support of the U.S. was critical for this plan to work. In other words, while Europe must be at the forefront of Ukraine’s defense, the U.S. must back the rest of Europe for the defense to work.

While Europe is attempting to support and back Ukraine, on March 3, 2025, U.S. President Trump officially paused all military aid to Ukraine in hope of pressuring President Zelenskyy into negotiating peace talks with Russia. These peace talks, if rushed, will most likely give Russia the upper hand and negate any hope Ukraine has had for regaining the Ukrainian land that is currently occupied by Russia.

Russia’s Continued Human Rights Violations

Ukrainian flag standing over a destroyed building.
Image 4: Ukrainian flag standing over a destroyed building. Source: Yahoo Images.

Amnesty International stated that any peace talks that do not include justice and repercussions for the international laws violations and human rights violations that have occurred against Ukraine will only serve to prolong Ukrainian suffering. Throughout the three years that Russia has been invading Ukraine, Russia has continued to target civilian infrastructure.

Residential buildings, schools, cultural heritage sites, and hospitals are some of the civilian infrastructure that has been destroyed by Russian forces. In my previous blog about the war, I wrote that the summer of 2024 was the deadliest time for children in Ukraine. Children are the most vulnerable members of society. Russia’s disregard for the lives of Ukrainian civilians, specifically children, is a violation of human rights. Since the invasion of Ukraine, thousands of schools have either been destroyed or have fallen under the control of Russia.

During Russia’s occupation of Crimea, people have been convicted of discrediting Russian armed forces, which violates the right to freedom of expression. Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) states that all people have the freedom of opinion and expression. When those freedoms are interfered with, it is a violation of human rights. Crimean Tatars who are imprisoned have also been denied medical care. Additionally, 6,000 prisoners of war (POW) continue to be detained by Russian forces. POW and civilians alike have been subject to torture. In the year of 2024, Russia charged at least 120 Ukrainian POWs with terrorism. Since then, they have all been executed.

It is estimated that, as of July 2024, 14,000 Ukrainian citizens had been wrongfully and unlawfully detained by Russia. There are reports of war crimes and crimes against humanity being inflicted on Ukrainian civilians. These offenses include torture, sexual violence, extrajudicial killings, and denials of fair trials. In Article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), it is stated that torture or inhuman punishment is a violation of human rights.

Many Ukrainian civilians have been subject to arbitrary arrest, and over 50,000 Ukrainians have been reported missing. Arbitrary arrest is the unlawful arrest and detainment of a person by a government without due process. Article 9 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) states that arbitrary arrest, exiles, and detentions are human rights violations.

In places occupied by Russia, 1.6 million Ukrainian children must attend schools, learn the curriculum, and abide by the rules of invaders, where Ukrainian children are deprived of learning their language, cultural heritage, and history. If students are to continue their Ukrainian education, they must do so online. This is in violation of Article 26 of the UDHR, which pertains to the right to education and the parents choice of their child’s education and Article 27 of the UDHR, which states that people have the right to participate in the cultural life of the community.

Conclusion:

As is stated in my last blog about the Russia and Ukraine war, there are a couple of things you can do to help defend human rights in this situation. The U.N. Refugee Agency and the Ukrainian Red Cross Society continue to send humanitarian aid to Ukraine. If you are able and willing, these sites take donations.

You can also help protect human rights by staying informed and reading reliable sources. Disinformation on Ukraine and Russia has run rampant, and when people turn a blind eye to the truth, it is easy for human rights violations to go on unchecked. Updates on the Ukraine and Russia war are occurring daily. Make sure to continue checking for updates and to keep yourself informed.

Why the Death Penalty Won’t Stop Sexual Violence Against Women in South Asia—And Might Make It Worse

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Image 1. Women protesting Rape in India. Source: Yahoo Images

The death penalty as a form of punishment is seen as controversial across the globe. Primarily used in murder cases, it can be viewed as an archaic replacement of Hammurabi Code, an eye for an eye, which is why many oppose it. Proponents contest that this is a just, necessary deterrent for extremely violent crimes. They attest that it not only provides justice for the victims but also prevents criminals from committing murders. However, does that logic apply in real life? The government of West Bengal state government seems to agree after passing legislation allowing capital punishment for the offence of rape when it results in the victim’s death or leaves them in a vegetative state.

In India, this significant form of punishment for this kind of crime comes as a result of public outcry over the rape and murder of a 31-year-old postgraduate trainee doctor at Kolkata’s RG Kar Medical College and Hospital. This is not the first occurrence of punitive anti-rape legislation in India. Following the Nirbhaya case, a brutal gang rape of a young woman on a moving bus in Delhi, the nation was shocked to its core, and Parliament was expedient in passing Criminal Law (Amendment) Act in 2013 to allow the death penalty in rape cases. At face value, it seems like direct action is being taken to address sexual violence against women in India; however, conflicting reports from women’s rights groups and data on sexual violence against women prove otherwise. The death penalty for rape is far from an advancement in women’s rights, and it is actually a regressive step for women.

Death Penalty in Practice

There are currently 31 countries that enforce the death penalty for rape, especially in South Asia, in an attempt to mete out justice and protect women. This form of retributive justice is rooted in the patriarchal idea that “rape takes a woman’s life away,” essentially implying that a woman’s value is intrinsically tied to her sex. This sort of logic supports the death penalty for rape because it is protecting a woman’s dignity. However, this form of punishment does not actually protect women. Supreme Court advocate Shoumendu Mukherjee emphasizes that there is “no significant correlation between the imposition of the death penalty and a reduction in crime rates.” By increasing the barriers to reporting and perpetuating victim-centric stereotypes, the Advocates for Human Rights cite a study that shows “imposing the death penalty for rape can be more harmful to victims.”

 

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Image 2. Indian Supreme Court. Source: Yahoo Images

In the majority of rape cases, the woman knows her rapist. Adding the execution of someone she knows, perhaps a family member, friend, or coworker, to the punishment of rape further exacerbates the culture of silence and lack of willingness for women to speak up. With many rape cases, the most significant hurdle is getting victims to speak up. Many victims struggle with understanding what happened to them, so introducing the death penalty may discourage women from coming forward because they do not want to condemn someone close to them to death. Another consequence of capital punishment for rape is a backlog of rape cases to be filed and wrongful convictions—capital punishment for rape results in overburdening an already strained legal system. In order to systematically violence against women, the courts need a swift form of punishment. By heightening the punishment of these types of cases, the courts are delaying justice for the victims. Additionally, the pursuit of quick resolutions to satisfy public demand for justice can lead to rushed trials, which may undermine due process and increase the risk of wrongful convictions. Project 39-A conducted empirical research on the criminal justice system in India and found that convicts who are sentenced to death and who remain on death row are predominantly from poor and lower-caste communities, with little access to proper legal aid. Within the Indian legal system, public defenders are struggling to meet the requirements of this progressive law, and poor people are taking the blame for it. Before the court system passes progressive laws, it must enact reform within the present system so that this new legislation can be correctly put into practice.

What to Focus on Instead

Capital punishment exists in the Indian Penal Code, but studies have shown it is not an effective deterrent to violence against women. Madhya Pradesh had the highest number of death sentences awarded between 2016-2020 but remained one of the states with the highest number of rape cases in 2019. Additionally, women’s activists in India do not call on this type of reform and instead advocate for speedy trials, high conviction rates, and addressing systemic inequalities against women that lead to sexual violence against women. Kavita Krishnan, Secretary of the All India Progressive Women’s Association, argued that highly publicized executions of rape convicts result in more women being murdered to prevent them from surviving as witnesses. A 2021 study by Equality Now and Dignity Alliance International (DAI) found that rape survivors’ idea of justice does not include the death penalty.

The death penalty has been the center of a long-held debate; however, the idea that it is harmful is not a newfound discovery. Feminists in India maintain that capital punishment is dangerous for women and detracts attention from support services for women that encourage speaking up, counseling, and changing the current attitude towards women in society. This sentiment corroborates the 1977 US Supreme Court case, Coker v. Georgia, which argued that the death penalty for rape should be rejected as a remnant of an outdated, patriarchal system that treated women as the property of men requiring chivalric protection from men. This side has been around for a while, but it is now more relevant in terms of punishment for rape in South Asia.

 

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Image 3. Indian Women Protesting Rape. Source: Flickr

Recommendations to Consider

Various studies accounts from survivors, and women’s rights organizations all contend that the death penalty is not an effective deterrent to rape. The death penalty is a cruel form of retributive justice that barely has a positive impact on victims or crime punishment. According to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the death penalty is a violation of the right to life. Instead of severe punishment, South Asian governments need to adopt a victim-centered approach to addressing rape and sexual violence. These alternatives involve strengthening legal protections for victims, providing access to victim advocates, enhancing the integrity of the criminal justice system, and offering public education on sexual violence along with training for the judiciary. Recognizing that criminal trials may not always bring the desired outcomes for victims or their families is essential in moving toward abolition and reducing reliance on the criminal justice system—including the death penalty—as the sole means of delivering justice. By addressing these systemic issues, we can bring about real change in the Indian government for all women in the country. This is certainly not a new conversation for advocates of women’s rights, but it is a conversation that needs to happen in order to enact substantive change. This is the first step to a long road of reeducation, raising awareness, and reframing the narrative. By taking these necessary steps, we can significantly curb the effects of violence against women around the world.