Category: Middle East and North Africa

The Human Rights Concerns of Migration into North Africa

The human rights violations noted against Sub-Saharan African migrants have been increasing exponentially across North Africa, specifically in Tunisia. Tunisia is a transit country for many migrants to reach Europe, being the most significant departure point for migrants crossing the Mediterranean; the physical actions against migrants and the political bias have inherently made it difficult for many different communities to continue their journey.

History of Sub-Saharan Immigration

Photo 1: Photo of a refugee camp.Source: Flickr
Photo 1: Photo of a refugee camp.
Source: Flickr

For hundreds of years, people have migrated from Sub-Saharan Africa to Northern Africa; in 2020, it was estimated that 61 percent of migrants into North Africa were from Africa. Tunisia has been a key destination because it is relatively stable both socioeconomically and politically. Irregular migration into the country has been pertinent since the early 1990s. However, a surge in migration was observed in 2011, when over 27,000 migrants were intercepted in Tunisia with plans to continue to Europe. A similar spike was noted in early 2020, with over 35,000 migrants intercepted when departing from the country. These values tell the story of those who were intercepted by the government and do not account for those who weren’t able to complete their journey beyond Tunisia.

Largely, migrants from Sub-Saharan Africa are males who have taken the step into a new journey to hopefully promise a better life for their families; these individuals are quite young, being anywhere from 18 to 35 years old. Generally, there are varying reasons why people migrate to Tunisia; data collected in 2018 suggests that 52% of migrants emigrated for economic reasons, 22 percent migrated to study, and 25 percent are potential victims of human trafficking. All of these come via different routes; though land routes are quite popular, an overwhelming majority of migrants from Sub-Saharan Africa come by air travel, leveraging visa-on-arrival opportunities. As these are often three-month tourist visas, many overstay the visa to work in different fields ranging from tourism to hospitality to construction. Beyond those visas, other avenues are explored by migrants to enter Tunisia; one is that of human-smuggling networks. These networks are oftentimes characterized by two-fold movements: into Tunisia via land and then outside of Tunisia via maritime routes. For those without passports, many individuals pay hundreds of dollars to get to North Africa.

Drivers of Migration

When faced with difficulties, many people seek out-migration as an avenue to explore. One reason why migration into Tunisia has increased is economic burdens. The World Bank has estimated that youth unemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa is around 10.2 percent. This has resulted in many youths moving to North Africa to seek out new opportunities.

Another factor is environmental factors. With increased burdens associated with climate change, such as increased temperatures and deteriorating soil quality, it is observed as a driver, as well. By 2025, Sub-Saharan Africa could see as many as 86 million climate migrants; though this number is represented by a value of internal and external migration, this has been a force that has impacted current migration patterns into Tunisia.

 

Photo 2: Photo of refugees at Tunisian-Libyan border.Source: Flickr
Photo 2: Photo of refugees at Tunisian-Libyan border.
Source: Flickr

Domestic Concerns

To respond to the increased migration, the Tunisian government has had a unique role in the development of action. While Tunisia has been vocal about human rights and has demonstrated international support, the application of their signatures often falls short.

Raids and arrests, outlining attacks against human rights, have been increasing significantly. This, coupled with improper immigration-specialized facilities, has resulted in many people not being treated fairly. These centers have not met international standards, according to international observers like OMCT (World Organization Against Torture), due to inadequate sanitary conditions and poor infrastructure. To respond to these abuses and oversight, the government of Tunisia established the National Authority for the Prevention of Torture, which has unfortunately faced limited access to detention centers, further allowing continuous attacks against the human rights of those in detainment.

Human Right Abuses

Different abuses have been noted against Sub-Saharan migrants in Tunisia. Physical violence has been most prominent during arrests, raids, and detainment. Over 85 percent of Black Africans had reported violence from these security forces. These abuses have been conducted by police, the National Guard, and many other entities.

Medical abuse is also quite prominent as well, especially for those in detention facilities. Many migrants are uneducated about the nuances of Tunisian healthcare in the country and their access rights. This results in inaccurate information being more accessible than a healthcare professional.  Within the conversation of accessing healthcare, there is a unique level of pressure put on female migrants; though there are not as many women who migrate to Tunisia, those who do face challenges ranging from building rapport with the health system, accessing insurance information for prenatal care, and navigating social implications of feminine care.

Mental health is also a huge issue for many migrants in Tunisia; an overwhelming 47 percent of migrants experience depression, 10 percent experience adaptation stress, and 9 percent experience PTSD (Post Traumatic Stress Disorder). These, coupled with the general stress of migration and the expectation to reach Europe, can have overwhelming effects on their mental health. Without the resources necessary to treat it, they are left even more vulnerable than when they came.

Economic exploitation is another abuse noted against Sub-Saharan African Migrants in Tunisia. 35% of migrant workers experience poor working conditions, many of whom eventually change jobs for a plethora of reasons ranging from exploitation, which is the most frequent incident, to violence to harassment. As many of these workers participate in the informal economy, as young people generally make up 32 percent of the informal sector, they are not equally as protected compared to those who are in the formal sector.

When looking at the abuses against communities, it is integral that international communities advocate against these injustices and work to support vulnerable communities like migrant ones. Without checks and balances, support is limited for these communities, allowing systematic discrimination to take precedence.

Child Soldiers in Northeast Syria

Exposure to warfare at a young age has been associated with distress that does not easily wither away. This correlation can be seen in the reality of many children as young as 12 years old in the autonomous northeastern region of Syria. The region is governed by the Kurdish Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) and led by its active military wing, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). Under the SDF control are various organizations such as the unarmed Kurdish youth group, Revolutionary Youth Movement, or, as referred to by the locals, Tevgera Ciwanên Şoreşger. Since late 2020, the members have stopped hosting intellectual and networking events and rather directed focus onto military enlistment. Consequently, for years, the group has become a prominent player in the sudden recruitment of child soldiers in Syria whilst holding the claim that the voluntary consent of each child is collected prior to placement in their educational training programs. However, several international organizations have reported the Revolutionary Youth Movement for unsolicited recruitment of children from Syrian regions within and outside of the AANES control with fraud claims of offering educational courses, in addition to coercion. 

Map illustrating the geographic divisions of control in Syria.
Image 1: Map illustrating the geographic divisions of control in Syria. | Source: Yahoo Images

Speculated Training Procedures  

Initial recruitment by the Revolutionary Youth Movement has been speculated to have a direct method with young teenage members approaching children in public settings, building trust, and inviting them for educational lectures with the intention of luring them into joining military positions. A Syrian human rights researcher, in an interview conducted by Human Rights Watch, shared that following recruitment, children are put through dogmatic training and then transferred for integration into a selected armed group. The researcher expands to note that some children receive supplementary training on utilizing force and violence from the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), an armed group based in Turkey and Iraq, in the Qandil Mountains. When the Human Rights Watch team directly asked the PPK regarding the matter, they denied the observed reports of child recruitment, denied having any relations with the Syrian youth movements, and emphasized their objective to comply with the regulations of the Geneva Convention, integral international treaties that maintain the moral boundaries of warfare. In contrast, the statement of the researcher has been supported by references made in a Danish federal agency report, the Centre for Documentation and Counter Extremism, of sighted training camps for indoctrinated children in the Qandil or Sinjar Mountains of Iraq. Another supporting document identified is the U.S. State Department Trafficking in Persons report, which notes observations of the Revolutionary Youth Movement coercing children to undergo military training in the Qandil mountains. Both reports are from 2024. 

A child dressed in camouflage and holding a rifle in Syria.
Image 2: A child dressed in camouflage and holding a rifle in Syria. | Source: Yahoo Images

Direct Accounts  

Several sources have collected direct stories from families who have had their children taken away. In interviews conducted by Human Rights Watch, almost all families note that their children left home one day and have not been seen since. Following the initial disappearance, many searched and raised questions until eventually told through acquaintances or direct but anonymous calls with Revolutionary Youth Movement members about their child’s recruitment. Some families remark their children being used as support against Turkish intrusions in the AANES-controlled region, but not all know where their children are. 

The father of a missing 14-year-old daughter received a call offering him to see his daughter if he made a recording affirming his daughter’s recruitment was voluntary. The man denied the offer, and with over a year having passed, he has yet to see his child. It is worth noting that the father recalled his daughter communicating with a member of the group over Facebook Messenger prior to her disappearance.  

In another instance, a daughter was returned to her mother in Qamishli after her recruitment. However, soon after, the child received a phone call, which seemed to frighten her and led to her leaving again. The daughter did not share any details of her time with the group and has yet to return. 

Even after filing reports to the SDF and the Children Protection Office, families have been unsuccessful at bringing their children back home. As a result, devastated families experiencing the forced loss of their children, accompanied by distraught emotions and the realization that there is little that can be done, continue to occur in Syria. This struggle is further strengthened by the lack of communication and lack of certainty in knowing whether your child is safe, sleeping well, eating well, or even alive. 

Physical and Psychological Impacts on Children 

As this article began, the impacts of warfare exposure can be significantly detrimental in childhood. Testimonies of released children, by the Syria Justice and Accountability Center, discuss experiences of being imprisoned and beaten by trainers for disciplinary purposes. Such physical acts can lead to fright and fear being reinforced in the children again and again. Beyond physical harm, the psychological trauma of being a child soldier on one’s mental health is just as prevalent. Children being actively removed from their homes, schools, and societies with the loss of all contact results in the collapse of their social support systems and a reduced ability for social integration. Furthermore, young children must bear witness to violence and become vulnerable to the lasting effects of elevated distress and dysfunction in place of a time intended for their cognitive, behavioral, and social development. 

Legal Violations

Another facet of the matter is through the legal lens that regulates and raises questions of ethics. To begin with, the International Humanitarian Law, a globally applicable set of expectations, protects child well-being by preventing the recruitment or use of children as soldiers under the age of 15 in conflicts. Such young recruitment for armed support is further prohibited by the Rome Statute and is punishable by the International Criminal Court as a war crime. Syria does not fall under obligations to follow the Rome Statute, but if the UN Security Council were to report its concern to the ICC Office of the Prosecutor, this requirement would be considered a violation.  

Photo of Rt. Hon. Lamberto Dini, Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, signing the Rome Statute at the 1988 Rome Conference.
Image 3: Photo of Rt. Hon. Lamberto Dini, Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, signed the Rome Statute at the 1988 Rome Conference. | Source: Yahoo Images

Bringing a domestic focus on the country and region, in 2019, SDF signed an Action Plan with the UN requiring them to not only end all acts and support of military recruitment of children but also create protective and disciplinary measures in place to disincentivize such acts. However, in contrast to anticipated compliance, verified cases of child recruitment in NE Syria have remained steady, with a peak of 637 cases in 2022, and are yet to wither. Another legal defiance is of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syrian Region (DAANES’) Social Contract, the 2023 version of the original “Charter of the Social Contract of Rojava,” which was created after the rejection of centralized governance that autonomized the northern Syrian region. Among the new 134 articles, the English translation of Article 55 states, “Children’s rights are protected, and the use of violence against them, their employment, exploitation, and recruitment are prohibited. This is regulated by law”. 

With such legal expectations and obligations, SDF has emphasized a commitment to putting efforts towards ending all child recruitment in the region. However, the contrary continuation of recruitment activities may be due to the groups being directly intertwined with the political and military hierarchies of the AANES and SDF control. This is supported by the fact that the primary transfer of the children to armed groups is to the People’s Protection Unit (YPG) and its associated branch for women, the Women’s Protection Units (YPJ), both of which are branches housed under the SDF.  

A young female soldier of the YPJ group branch dressed in camouflage with a rifle on her shoulder.
Image 4: A young female soldier of the YPJ group branch dressed in camouflage with a rifle on her shoulder. | Source: Yahoo Images

Action Steps 

It is important to realize that the situation in Syria is not a matter of concern for just the region but rather a matter requiring fulfillment of global duties and human rights. The acts of the SDF risk the physical well-being of children today as well as the social, financial, and psychological well-being of their futures. 

Therefore, with legal and moral obligations present, it crucially falls onto international bodies and organizations to become actively involved in the protection of the Syrian children who are having childhoods and playtimes be replaced with training camps and military weapons. Such actions can be reported to the ICC Office of the Prosecutor, decisions taken against violations of SDF obligations to existing policies, or changes in regulatory practices.  

From a public perspective, advocacy for active progression towards solutions, support for organizations already involved in fighting child recruitment, and the spread of awareness of the devastating reality of Syrian families are all factors that have the power to play critical roles in protecting the children of Syria.

The Aftermath of Mahsa Amini: A Glimpse into Women’s Rights in Iran Two Years Later

September 14th, 2024, marked two years since the murder of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini in Iran’s capital, Tehran. Amini was arrested by the “Gasht-e-Ershad,” also known as the morality police, who are responsible for enforcing Iran’s strict dress code. For women, this includes a head covering called a hijab and loose-fitting clothes.

Authorities claimed that Amini had worn her hijab “improperly”  and transported her to a detention center for a “re-education class.” Amini collapsed at the center later that evening and died three days later while in police custody.

Government officials claimed her cause of death was a heart attack. However, her family denied that she had any history of heart issues, and they were refused the chance to see her body before she was buried. Witnesses from the day of her arrest alleged that Amini was severely beaten in the patrol van—photographs and videos of Amini in the hospital corroborate this, indicating trauma to her head.

It’s unclear how she died, but it certainly wasn’t from a heart attack. Rather, Mahsa Amini was a victim of an oppressive regime that sought to tyrannize women in the name of religion.

 

A woman in an all-black outfit with a head covering standing in the grass.
Image 1: Mahsa Amini, Source: Yahoo Images

Nationwide Response and Iran’s Crackdown

Amini’s murder at the hands of the morality police caused international outrage and political unrest, a catalyst for the biggest uprising that Iran has seen since the 1979 Islamic Revolution. These protests were primarily led by women, a fiery rejection of a government that restricts the freedom of its citizens and meets resistance with violence.

Security forces used excessive or lethal force in response to demonstrations that were oftentimes peaceful, firing into crowds with rubber pellets or automatic weapons and beating protestors. As of September 15th, 2023, at least 551 were killed, and around 19,000 were arrested in relation to the uprising. Authorities also heavily restricted Internet access to prevent the spread of information and protest videos, as well as disrupt the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.

Iran’s pushback against widespread public dissent includes the Hijab and Chastity law, proposed by deceased former president Ebrahim Raeesi in May 2023. This was officially approved by the Guardian Council in September 2024 and will be enforced on a trial basis for three years.

The law tightens the mandatory dress code, with penalties of up to 10-15 years in prison, depending on the frequency of violations. It also directly responds to online defiance by punishing influencers or public figures who promote or share content that disparages the dress code, with internet restrictions, fines, and even being banned from leaving Iran. Article 28 calls for law enforcement agencies to use online monitoring systems to report violators to the judiciary.

In July 2023, it was announced that, after a brief recess caused by the protests, the morality police would begin patrolling the streets again to monitor civilians who “ignore the consequences of not wearing the proper hijab and insist on disobeying the norms.”

The government has also used traffic cameras to detect and subsequently fine women without hijabs, detained and suspended female university students who have violated the law, and forcefully shut down businesses that serve women with the “improper dress code.”

Despite these endless threats, Iranian women and girls refuse to be deterred. They continue fighting for their freedom and their right to dress as they wish, even when it might cost them their lives. A 40-year-old woman from Tehran told The Washington Post, “Us Iranian women have gotten to a point where it’s either death or freedom for us. We will pay any price, but we won’t go back to what life was before” the uprising.

Below are the stories of just some of the women and girls who are symbols of the resistance against their oppression and deserve to be remembered.

Roya Heshmati

Roya Heshmati, a 33-year-old woman who lives in Tehran, posted a photo of herself on social media. The photo in question shows Heshmati with her back to the camera, wearing a red shirt, long black skirt, and no head covering. Late at night on April 20th, 2023, authorities arrested Heshmati in her home and confiscated her phone and laptop. She spent 11 days in detention on the charge of “appearing in public without proper religious hijab” and was initially sentenced to 13 years and 9 months in prison, a fine of 12,500,000 rials ($297), and 74 lashes.

Mizan, Iran’s Judiciary News Agency, wrote that Heshmati’s sentence was carried out “in accordance with the law” while also accusing her of “promoting prostitution” and receiving money from abroad. Her actions were described as “injuring public modesty” and “encouraging people to commit corruption.

 

An Iranian woman with dark hair looking into the camera.
Image 2: Roya Hesmati, Source: Yahoo Images

 

An appeal overturned the prison sentence and reduced the fine, but the lashes remained, alongside a three-year ban from leaving Iran. On January 3rd, 2024, Heshmati refused to wear the hijab while receiving her lashes in court, which she compared to a “medieval torture chamber.”

Roya’s story sparked support across social media, both within and outside of Iran, for her courage in the face of a barbaric punishment and blatant attacks on her character.

Arezoo Badri

On July 22nd, 2024, 31-year-old Arezoo Badri was driving home with her sister in the city of Noor. Police tried to pull Badri over to confiscate her car—this was most likely a result of a new surveillance measure to identify and confiscate the vehicles of female drivers or passengers traveling without head coverings.

It is not confirmed whether Badri directly violated this rule, but the confiscation notice associated with her car suggested that she had. She did not stop when prompted by police, at which point they began shooting, first at her tire before aiming at the driver’s side. The bullet reportedly entered her lung and caused severe damage to her spinal cord. It was not removed until 10 days later. Badri underwent lung surgery and was later transferred to a hospital in Tehran, where she stayed under tight security.

 

On the left, a woman laying a hospital bed. On the right, the same woman leaning against a tree outside.
Image 3: Arezoo Badri before her encounter with the authorities on the right, after on the left, Source: Yahoo Images

 

A physician in Tehran told The Guardian in August, “We have had no news on her condition because it’s a heavily guarded military hospital and owned by the police.” Most recent updates on Badri’s state indicate that she is paralyzed from the waist down, but it is unknown whether she will be permanently paraplegic.

Iran International reported that authorities coerced Badri to confess, a tactic repeatedly used as a means to “control the narrative and suppress opposition.” In the video, Badri can supposedly be seen crying due to her critical condition. Her family members (including her sister, who was in the car) were forced to confess as well, on top of having restricted access to visit Badri throughout her time in the hospital.

Confessions like these are broadcast through state media as an attempt to justify and cover up instances of abuse, but human rights organizations like Amnesty International have taken notice of the brutalization against Arezoo Badri and are calling for Iran to stop the state-sponsored violence against women.

Armita Geravand

On October 1st, 2023, 17-year-old Armita Geravand was boarding a train in Tehran when she collapsed and fell into a coma. She died weeks later, on October 28th, suffering brain damage after receiving intensive medical care. Witnesses claim that Geravand was attacked by a hijab enforcer upon entering the train, but authorities assert that she fainted, allegedly having “hit the back of her head against the edge of the platform.”

Surveillance cameras are present inside the series subway car that she boarded. However, Iranian authorities have only released footage from the station, where Geravand can be seen getting on the train without a headscarf, followed by her friends. Just moments later, her friends carry an unconscious Geravand out. Video analysis by Amnesty International’s Evidence Lab concluded that the footage: “Based on the footage time stamps, three minutes and 16 seconds of the metro footage are missing.”

 

A young girl with short hair taking a selfie in the mirror.
Image 4: Armita Geravand, Source: Yahoo Images

 

In the immediate aftermath, authorities reportedly arrested a journalist investigating the incident. Fajr Hospital, where Geravand was being treated, was heavily guarded. State media also spread videos of Geravand’s family affirming what authorities claimed about her collapse due to low blood pressure. Human rights groups like Hengaw have called for independent investigations into her death, but such concerns have been dismissed by security forces.

Armita Geravand’s killing is a horrifying mirror of what happened to Mahsa Amini, garnering further international scrutiny upon the Iranian government for yet another suspicious death under their custody.

The Acts of Defiance Continue

Mahsa Amini’s murder undoubtedly turned a tide in Iran—as the second anniversary of her death passed, women continue to assert their bodily autonomy in the face of ruthless measures that try to strip it away. Whether that’s by participating in large-scale protests or through small acts of defiance, Iranian women and girls will fight until they are free.

Syria: An Update on the Current Crisis

Syria has been home to numerous atrocities over the past few decades, making it an important country to monitor. Since 2011, the country has experienced the collapse of its society due to civil war. However, human rights abuses have existed prior, with the suppression of freedoms being carried out by the government. Not only has the country undergone a history of suppression and state-sanctioned terror campaigns, but the recent earthquakes hitting its Northern and Western territories in 2023 have worsened its humanitarian crisis, resulting in a bleak reality being subjugated upon the Syrian people. 

The Syrian flag stands above a war-destroyed town.
Image 1: Syrian Flag Stands Amidst Destruction. Source: Yahoo Images

Context

Throughout the 1970s, Syria experienced the rise of the Assad dynasty, as Hafez al-Assad declared himself president. During his reign, he used his power to crush civil liberties and freedoms, utilizing force and violence to do so. Hafez also altered the constitution, removing Islam as the state religion in exchange for a secular state. Though this choice was unpopular amongst his constituency, his dictatorial tendencies, along with extreme party loyalty, allowed him to silence the opposition. 

Basar al-Assad, Syria’s current leader and successor to his father Hafez, came to power in 2000. Though promising economic and social reform, he failed to provide meaningful change, and the policies that were implemented did nothing but increase inequality within the nation. Alongside these failed governmental measures, an extreme drought increased food prices and saw heightened migration into city centers, thus worsening unemployment. The poor and ignored policies, along with the economic and societal impacts of a five-year drought, caused governmental resentment among citizens as they were desperate for change. 

In March 2011, inspired by other Arab Spring movements, which occurred throughout North Africa and the Middle East, Syrian citizens mobilized, calling for regime change and an expansion of personal freedoms and liberties. Though peaceful, these demands were met with extreme violence on behalf of the Syrian government. Labeled as terrorists, the government implemented a “shoot-to-kill” policy on these protestors, with these commands carried out by military officials and paramilitary members. Some concessions were made in April, though not enough to appease protestors. As uprisings continued, so did government violence and pushback. The Syrian Army seized numerous cities, such as Daraa, where they killed hundreds of protestors, cut off water and power, and forced its citizens into starvation. In response, resistance militias began to form and fight against Syrian Army soldiers, unraveling throughout 2012 into a civil war. It later developed into a proxy war, as foreign governments, such as the United States and Russia, involved themselves in the conflict.

Human Rights Abuses

Many human rights abuses have been brought upon Syrian citizens, such as displacement, unlawful arrests, detention and killings, subjection to torture, sexual violence, and disproportional military attacks. Displacement has been one of the largest and most discussed issues that have occurred due to the civil war, with an estimated 12 million citizens forced to move, with six million remaining in the country and six million migrating to other countries like Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordan. There are many reasons for such migration, but a leading cause is military actions. The 2022 Syrian Network for Human Rights Report found that in 2022 alone, 75,000 people were forcibly moved due to either government or opposition hostility. Though relocating, approximately 70% of refugees still experience poverty and limited access to basic necessities. Syrian civilians also experience arbitrary arrests and detention, with victims commonly subjected to torture. The report also found a minimum of 2,221 cases of inappropriate arrests and signals that extortion could be a primary cause, as they tend to target previous prisoners and those receiving remittance payments. Relationships with political figures or activist leaders are another trend among victims. Civilian casualties frequently occur, with many the direct result of excessive use of force. However, deaths have also been caused by torture and medical negligence. While opposition groups do contribute to these numbers, a majority of the killings have been found to be the fault of the Syrian military. The civil war also led to an unprecedented rise in sexual violence, having some of the highest rates globally. While this impacts men as well, it’s important to note that women and children have been especially targeted. The Syrian military has also repeatedly used excessive force against civilian groups, including the deployment of chemical weapons, cluster bombs, and missiles. Though other human rights violations have occurred, this paragraph is meant to provide insight into some of the most prevalent and recurring forms of abuses.

A large group of Syrian refugees, including men, women, and children, flee a city after it was ruined by the war.
Image 2: Syrian Refugees Flee Demolished City. Source: Yahoo Images

Earthquake Impacts

The February 6, 2023, earthquakes, which primarily impacted Syria and Turkey, worsened the country’s ongoing battle with poverty and human rights struggles. These earthquakes led to the death of some 60,000 Syrian citizens and injured many more. Today, roughly 90% of the population lives below the poverty line. Within that, 50% are living in abject poverty, unable to attain proper food for survival. For reference, in 2010, only 1% of citizens experienced this level of poverty. Even for those outside this statistic, access to food, clean water, and shelter has been extremely limited and seen alongside a rise in violent crime and gender-based exploitation. These earthquakes also contributed to an economic crisis, triggering rampant inflation in the preceding years. The Syrian Center for Policy Research found that, in 2023, consumer prices doubled when compared to the previous year. Average wages have also declined. 

Accessing healthcare and treatment are also significant issues. The destruction of the civil war left more than half of the nation’s hospitals nonoperational, leaving injured citizens limited access to treatment. This is gravely concerning as roughly 14.9 million people require medical assistance for survival. For those seeking refuge in other countries, inequality and discrimination still exist, making care inaccessible even in countries with better health facilities. Furthermore, a majority of Syrians have lost the ability to return to their homeland, facing the complete destruction of their livelihoods. 

While the civil war resulted in the mass destruction of infrastructure and society, the earthquakes worsened the impacts of such decimation and created new economic issues that citizens were forced to endure. 

Buildings are destroyed in a Syrian city, leaving them unlivable.
Image 3: Ruined Buildings in the City of Homs. Source: Yahoo Images

Today

The Syrian civil war has reached somewhat of a stalemate. With the Syrian government controlling roughly 70% of the country’s territory, outright violence and wartime tactics have decreased. However, the regime remains repressive, regularly violating the human rights of its citizens. As for the near future, it seems unlikely that any peace agreements will be formally signed. It also appears that the current president will remain in power, with some regional powers questioning their opposition to al-Assad. 

While fighting has greatly decreased, Syria still faces major roadblocks to improvement. Surrounding conflict has interfered with recovery. The conflict in Gaza has carried into Syria, with Syrian civilians being subjects of numerous attacks likely initiated by Israel. The United Nations Human Rights Council Report on Syria writes how three separate air strikes have led to civilian deaths. Though no party has taken credit for these attacks, the report suspects they are carried out by the Israeli military. 

Another key issue is funding. Support for humanitarian aid programs in Syria has dried up, with organizations finding it difficult to raise appropriate funds. It was estimated that $5.3 billion was needed to assist Syria following the earthquakes; however, in 2023, the United Nations was only able to fund 37% of this target. This leaves a $3.38 billion funding gap. Foreign governments also deliver a considerable amount of aid, though it is unfortunately not enough to provide to all Syrians in need. Lacking necessary financing, some programs are forced to reduce their scope or shut down altogether. Earlier this year, UNICEF (United Nations International Children’s Fund) ended water deliveries to certain refugee camps due to a lack of financing. Without adequate funds, aid cannot be delivered to those in need. 

Regardless of its human rights abuses, the international community seems to be normalizing its relations with the Syrian government. Surrounding countries have begun to open diplomatic channels, and the United Arab Emirates has reopened its embassy. With the Assad dynasty continuing forward, it seems other countries are choosing to embrace this reality rather than continue rebelling against this brutal regime. 

Conclusion

Syria is facing a humanitarian crisis. The ongoing civil war, along with the destruction caused by the 2023 earthquakes, has led to a huge rise in poverty and displacement. Furthermore, citizens are subjected to excessive violence and inhumane treatment by their government and opposition groups. Though largely funded by humanitarian organizations, a lack of donations has dried up financing abilities, causing a huge gap between the required aid amount and what has been received. While there appears to be a stalemate, nothing signals that the situation within the country will improve in the near future. This is an urgent crisis. 

 

If able, consider donating to aid organizations:

UNCHR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees)

https://donate.unhcr.org/int/en/syria-emergency

Karam Foundation

https://www.karamfoundation.org/

Save the Children Organization

https://www.savethechildren.org/us/where-we-work/syria

IRUSA (Islamic Relief United States of America)

https://irusa.org/middle-east/syria/

 

Yemen in the News? Let’s Recap.

Picture showing buildings in Yemen on fire.
Air strikes hitting Yemen. Yahoo Images.

In the past couple of months, Yemen has been mentioned a lot. More specifically, the Houthis or, as some have called them, Ansarallah. You might be wondering first, “What is Yemen?” Why are they being talked about? Who are the Houthis/Ansarallah? How is Saudi Arabia involved? And where is the government? These are all questions that I heard many people around me ask. So, in this article, we will answer all these questions as well as explain Yemen’s situation and wars coming from a Yemeni American. 

HISTORY 

Before diving into the issues concerning Yemen, we have to cover some important history of Yemen to have a full understanding. Yemen’s history can stretch back 3000 years and the biggest evidence of that is the architecture of the villages and towns in it. Yemen had three successive civilizations: Minean, Sabaean, and Himyarite. 

Ancient Yemen played a crucial role in overland trade between Egypt, Mesopotamia, and the Mediterranean civilizations due to its strategic location. Pre-Islamic trading kingdoms, such as Minaean and Saba’, thrived on incense trade. The decline began with the Romans favoring the Red Sea, leading to the loss of wealth for southern Arabian kingdoms.

The rise of Islam in the 7th century saw Yemen’s rapid conversion. Muslim caliphs ruled, followed by local dynasties like Zaydi imamate and Rasulids. The Ottoman Empire took control in the 16th century, bringing Yemen under their rule. Despite a flourishing coffee trade, Yemen remained culturally isolated.

The 19th century marked the division of Yemen into North and South, controlled by the Ottomans and British, respectively. North Yemen faced opposition, leading to the Ottoman evacuation in 1918. Two powerful imams ruled North Yemen until the 1962 revolution, resulting in the establishment of the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR).

The YAR faced internal conflicts and external interventions, including support from Egypt and Saudi Arabia. A coup in 1974 led to military rule under Colonel Ibrahim al-Hamdi. His assassination in 1977 and subsequent leaders set the stage for the lengthy presidency of Ali Abdullah Saleh, who ruled North Yemen until its unification with South Yemen in 1990.

TIMELINE OF YEMEN’S CONFLICT

Yemen’s modern history is a tumultuous journey marked by political transitions, civil wars, and external interventions. Understanding the dynamics of this complex narrative is crucial, especially for students seeking clarity amid the intricate details. Let’s embark on a journey through the early years of Yemen, focusing on key events involving President Ali Abdullah Saleh and the Houthi rebels.

In the 1990s, Yemen underwent a significant transformation with the reunification of North and South Yemen. Ali Abdullah Saleh, the president of North Yemen since 1978, transitioned to become the president of the Republic of Yemen. Concurrently, the Zaidi-Shia group Ansar Allah, commonly known as the Houthis, gradually gained power, with President Saleh’s tacit support. A brief civil war erupted in 1994 between the unintegrated armies of the north and south, resulting in the defeat of the southern army and solidifying Yemen’s reunification.

In 2000, President Saleh reached a border demarcation agreement with Saudi Arabia, seeking to disarm the Houthis, whom he had previously considered a valuable tool against Saudi interference. Tensions escalated between Saleh’s government and the Houthis, leading to a rebellion in 2004 initiated by Hussein Badreddin al-Houthi.

The conflict unfolded in several phases, with government crackdowns, rebellions, ceasefires, and amnesty grants. Saleh’s government faced sporadic clashes with the Houthis, and in 2010, Operation Scorched Earth aimed to crush the rebellion. The Houthis, however, persisted, engaging in cross-border clashes with Saudi forces.

Inspired by the Arab Spring, Yemen experienced widespread demonstrations in 2011, calling for an end to Saleh’s 33-year rule. Despite initial concessions, the protests intensified, leading Saleh to agree to a Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)-brokered deal. However, clashes persisted until November 2011, when Saleh’s deputy, Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi, assumed power.

The National Dialogue Conference in 2014 laid the groundwork for a new constitution, and a political transition plan was approved. However, anti-government protests erupted, leading to the dissolution of President Hadi’s cabinet. In 2014, the Houthis seized control of Sanaa, and by early 2015, they took over the Yemeni government, prompting President Hadi to flee.

In response to Houthi advances, a Saudi-led coalition initiated Operation Decisive Storm in 2015, launching indiscriminate airstrikes and imposing a naval blockade. Despite subsequent efforts like Operation Restoring Hope, the conflict escalated, leading to a dire humanitarian crisis. Yemen became a battleground, but not for what is being told. One of those example is Al-Mahra. 

In the shadows of Yemen’s well-documented conflicts lies a lesser-known struggle for control in the easternmost governorate of Al-Mahra. While the global narrative often focuses on the Houthi rebellion and the Saudi-led coalition’s efforts, the intricate dynamics at play in Al-Mahra offer a unique perspective on regional power shifts and economic interests.

Since 2017, Al-Mahra residents have witnessed a gradual influx of Saudi troops, raising concerns and sparking anxiety among the local population. What initially seemed like a limited military presence evolved into a comprehensive campaign by Saudi Arabia to establish control over the governorate, extending its influence to the Omani border in the east.

The intensified Saudi presence in Al-Mahra, marked by establishing over 20 military bases and outposts, fueled speculations regarding the kingdom’s interest in constructing an oil pipeline. With a population of no more than 300,000, Al-Mahra became a battleground for what some believed was a strategic move to secure a pipeline route for Saudi crude oil to the Arabian Sea.

Leaked diplomatic cables from 2008 revealed Saudi Arabia’s longstanding interest in building a pipeline by securing territories and gaining the loyalty of local leaders. The Saudis went beyond military installations, recruiting Mahri locals and attempting to create their irregular military force. The transfer of Mahri tribes from Saudi Arabia to Al-Mahra further deepened suspicions, leading to clashes between Mahri tribes and Saudi engineering crews.

Saudi forces secured Nishtun port, raising suspicions that it could serve as the intended site for an oil export terminal. A leaked memo from 2018, thanking the Saudi ambassador for a feasibility study on an oil port, added fuel to the speculation. While not explicitly mentioning Al-Mahra, the memo heightened concerns and contributed to the belief that Saudi Arabia was preparing to extend an oil pipeline through Yemen.

 

Governaorates in Yemen
Governorates in Yemen.

Amidst these developments, skepticism arose, suggesting that Saudi deployments and tactics aimed to counter Oman’s influence in Al-Mahra. Tensions between Saudi Arabia and Oman, exacerbated by the Yemen war, saw Oman leveraging various factors, including granting citizenship and maintaining ties with Mahri political leaders, to resist Saudi influence. Publicly, Saudi Arabia claimed its troop deployments focused on combating Houthi arms smuggling.

Critics argue that the theory of a Saudi pipeline in Al-Mahra is implausible given Yemen’s entrenched political instability. Protecting a multi-billion dollar pipeline would pose significant challenges with ongoing conflicts, external pressures, and internal threats. Even before the 2011 uprising, reports suggested Yemen’s volatility made it unsuitable for such projects. Adding another layer to the complexity of this conflict. 

International outrage grew over the humanitarian crisis, and in 2018, the US Senate invoked the War Powers Resolution to end its support for the Saudi-led coalition. The Stockholm Agreement in December 2018 aimed for a ceasefire, but peace remained elusive.

In February 2021, President Biden announced a shift in the US approach, revoking the Houthi FTO designation and ending support for the Saudi-led coalition’s offensive operations. Efforts toward peace continued, with UN-mediated talks and a two-month truce declared in April 2022. 

NOW

Despite the recent peace agreement between the Houthi rebel group and the Saudi-led coalition, Yemen continues to make headlines due to the dire humanitarian situation and escalating conflicts. The so-called “peace” only involved the Houthi rebels and the coalition, leaving the rebel group in power and the Yemeni people still suffering. Let’s examines the recent events that have unfolded in Yemen, shedding light on the complexities of the situation.

By mid-2023, dissatisfaction with the Houthi rebels’ control began to rise among the Yemeni population. The rebels’ oppressive regime, characterized by restrictions on rights, exorbitant “protection” fees, and crippling economic conditions, fueled public discontent. However, the rebels cleverly diverted attention by exploiting the longstanding Yemeni support for Palestine. On December 9, the rebels announced their blockade of Israeli ships in the Red Sea, citing the ongoing situation in Gaza as the reason. This move united Yemenis, temporarily halting internal uprisings and garnering increased support for the rebel group.

In response to the rebel blockade, the US and UK coalitions initiated airstrikes on multiple Yemeni cities on January 11. The airstrikes were portrayed as retaliation for the rebels’ interference with ships due to the Gaza conflict. This military response effectively quashed any attempts at democracy, sparking anger and resentment among Yemenis who felt victimized by the international intervention.

The US-led coalition’s bombing campaign intensified, with the worst attack occurring on February 3. Many described it as more severe than previous assaults, even during the Saudi-led coalition’s offensive. The bombings targeted vital infrastructure, including one of Yemen’s international airports, resulting in halted flights, disrupted electricity, and widespread fear among the population.

Yemen, already grappling with eight years of conflict, faced an alarming humanitarian crisis. The World Food Programme (WFP) highlighted the unprecedented level of hunger, with 17 million Yemenis experiencing food insecurity. Child malnutrition rates were among the highest globally, and a significant portion of families lacked essential dietary elements. The WFP’s December 5 announcement of a pause in food distribution in the North due to funding shortages further worsened the situation.

UN Secretary-General António Guterres pleaded for de-escalation, urging all sides to avoid worsening the situation. Despite initial warnings and concerns expressed by global leaders, including President Joe Biden, the airstrikes persist, deepening the crisis in Yemen.

As Yemen grapples with the aftermath of international airstrikes, the fragile peace has shattered, leaving millions of Yemenis in an increasingly dire situation. The humanitarian crisis, exacerbated by disrupted food distribution and ongoing military actions, demands urgent attention and international cooperation to alleviate the suffering of the Yemeni people.

 

Group Homes for People with Disabilities are Harbors for Abuse

By James DeLano

“I don’t feel safe here.” 

That statement was uttered repeatedly in interviews performed by the Alabama Disabilities Advocacy Program (ADAP) with residents of Sequel Courtland, a psychiatric group home for boys in Courtland, AL. The residents of the home reported consistent patterns of abuse. One boy “reported witnessing a staff member lifting another resident up by the throat and slamming him to the floor.” Multiple boys reported being slammed into the ground and not being allowed to receive medical attention.

Three people standing outside the door of a group home
Group homes often house only a few people. Source: Yahoo Images

Sequel Courtland is a facility for boys. At the time the letter was sent in July 2020, there were “at least two transgender girls inappropriately placed at Courtland,” one of whom reported that she “is constantly touched, smacked on the butt” and that “they [other residents] try to watch me dress.” 

At a Sequel facility in Owens Cross Roads that was part of the same investigation, “male staff repeatedly enter girls’ bedrooms and put them in violent containments.” At the same facility, residents were frequently ordered to sleep in common areas rather than in their bedrooms as a punishment. Staff also failed to report or make any attempt to prevent suicide attempts. 

Sequel Montgomery practiced “Group Ignorance” as a punishment. Group Ignorance, or GI, involved staff and other residents completely ignoring the person being punished. The isolated person was unable to interact with peers in any way; just being within ten feet of another resident would be considered a violation. The facility’s then-current guidelines read that “They can participate with peers only during direct billable services—BLS and therapist-led group therapy.” One resident reported attempting suicide specifically because of the stress of being isolated under GI. 

Sequel Tuskegee utilized a “time-out room” for up to days at a time as a means of controlling residents. There was no mattress present in the room; boys were required to move the mat from their bedroom into the confinement area. It also lacked a toilet or sink. Because of that, residents were forced to either try – and often fail – to gain staff’s attention to use the restroom or, failing that, “urinate in the corner of the room and clean it up later.” 

A Sequel group home in Ohio was also investigated by that state’s protection & advocacy (P&A) agency,  Disability Rights Ohio. They reported that one of the children living at that home told them he was “Put in a hold so strong that it almost broke my arm; they kept holding me tighter and tighter; my hands and arms were tingling and going numb.” Another said, “I don’t feel safe.” 

Abusive group homes are not exclusive to Sequel. Group homes are often abusive, no matter what company owns them. 

At a residential facility called Canyon Hills Treatment Facility in North Carolina, “at least one-third of residents lost weight after they were admitted for treatment.” Canyon Hills’ residents were children who should still have been growing. When residents asked for more food, their portions were cut even further. At another facility in North Carolina called Anderson Health Services, “Ten staffers at this facility have been charged with child abuse since 2017.”

At a group home in California, a woman with severe autism often went out on rides in the home’s van. She occasionally tried to stand up, after which “the staff member driving would slam on the brakes and, like, brake check her.” That practice caused bruises. The same woman, who had harmed herself in the past, was frequently left alone and unsupervised, during which time she banged her head into the wall, leaving large holes in the process. 

Neglect in Group Homes 

Many group homes are chronically understaffed. That, along with low pay and a lack of care from and proper training for staff, collectively leads to preventable injuries and death. 

A woman choked to death at a New Jersey group home in 2017. She was unable to swallow large pieces of food; everything needed to be in small pieces, and she required supervision while eating. Two years prior, she had been taken to the hospital after choking on a bagel – an incident her family was never told about. 

As a result of poor staffing, a resident of an Oklahoma group home named Terry Brown was strangled by his roommate. There was only one staff member on duty; when she intervened, she was attacked as well and “watched Terry’s body turn purple, go limp and fall lifeless.” At a group home owned by the same company, a resident drowned in 2011 on an outing. He was supposed to be wearing a life jacket. When he died, there was no life jacket for him to wear. 

One Texas caregiver worked for almost 70 hours straight while caring for two disabled women; her only breaks were a short nap and a trip to run errands. She is the only caregiver for two women who require constant care and supervision. She was clocked in from 8:16 Tuesday morning to 10:08 Friday morning, and only four hours after clocking out she returned for another 19-hour shift. She said that, “I’m always here. The only thing I do for fun — besides sleep — is go to church, read my Bible, hang out with my family.” The only occasional help she has comes from equally understaffed and exhausted workers at other group homes. For her work – providing constant, necessary care to two people – she makes $9 per hour, which is a wage that is not uncommonly low and serves as one of many reasons group homes are so often neglectful.

At the previously mentioned Sequel group home in Courtland, Alabama, ADAP investigators found blood and feces on windows and floors. The same investigation had residents report insufficient and inadequate food and water, nonexistent education and medical treatment, and that “there’s mold in the showers, and rats and roaches in our bedrooms and the hallway.” 

Physical and Chemical Restraint 

Mental healthcare professionals generally agree that restraining someone who is in crisis only makes things worse. Many group homes do it anyway.

As part of the previously mentioned investigation into Sequel facilities in Alabama, numerous instances of inappropriate restraint were reported. A report compiling the results of several investigations by various state Protection & Advocacy Agencies (P&As) reads about an Alabama group home, “One boy described his head being caught on a nail in the wall during a restraint; another said he was picked up and slammed on his stomach onto the concrete. A boy who had visible gashes to his head said that facility staff had slammed him against a wall the previous night.” 

In 2020, a 16-year-old boy was physically restrained by several staff members at a Sequel facility in Kalamazoo, Michigan, for twelve minutes. They used their body weight to restrain his torso and legs. He died two days later due to being asphyxiated while he was restrained. His name was Cornelius Frederick. In the 18 months preceding his death, emergency services visited the facility 237 times. 

A group home in Carlton Palms, Florida has yet another pattern of restraints being used. Those restraints include cuffs, residents being strapped to chairs or being tied down, and straitjackets. These restraints directly cause physical harm – broken bones, bruises, and broken teeth, to name a few. 

A box of Seroquel in front of a laptop.
A box of Seroquel in front of a laptop. Source: Wikimedia Commons

Seroquel is an antipsychotic drug that is approved by the FDA to treat some severe mental illnesses. Seroquel does not have an immediate effect. It is not approved as a form of chemical restraint or as a treatment for insomnia or anger management, among other off-label uses, but that is what it has been marketed and used for. Disability Rights Tennessee, the P&A agency in Tennessee, reported that “In one facility, staff increased a child’s Seroquel dosage from 50 mg to 300 mg as an emergency intervention.” The same problems occurred in North Carolina; “staff had administered Seroquel numerous times to a child who did not have any diagnoses that would indicate use of antipsychotics.”

What Is Being Done? 

Several of the group homes mentioned above have shut down since investigations into them concluded, including some Sequel group homes. Sequel changed its homes’ names to Brighter Path due to the negative press. In other cases, states have stopped sending children to abusive group homes or, rarely, revoked their licenses. Other group homes, while not yet shut down, are no longer receiving new residents or are being downsized. 

Deadly Earthquake in Afghanistan Magnifies Gender Apartheid Under Taliban Control

by Delisha Valacheril
Image 1. Afghan Man standing in the rumble caused by an earthquake. Source: Flickr
Image 1. Afghan Man standing in the rumble caused by an earthquake. Source: Flickr

The ongoing humanitarian crises as a result of the Taliban, an Islamic fundamentalist group, regaining control of Afghanistan have been exacerbated since the devasting earthquake hit the country, with women and children bearing the brunt of the struggle. The Herat province has been shaken by two 6.3-magnitude earthquakes in just five days, with at least 1,482 people killed, another 2,100 have been injured, and an estimated 114,000 people need humanitarian assistance. The detrimental aftermath has been felt by everyone in the country, especially women and children, since they encompass 90% of those killed. With homes demolished and livelihoods lost, obtaining humanitarian aid is of the utmost importance. However, women across the country are struggling to gain assistance due to the numerous human rights violations against them in Afghanistan. Women and children are the most affected when natural disasters strike, but they are often the least considered in the response and recovery process. With the death toll mainly comprised of this vulnerable population coupled with the existing humanitarian crises, the situation in Afghanistan is grave for the young women and children survivors.

Image 2 Afghani Women fully covered in accordance with Taliban rule. Source Flickr.
Image 2 Afghani Women fully covered in accordance with Taliban rule. Source Flickr.

Humanitarian Crisis

It is not just women who are suffering under Taliban rule; everyone is. The UNDP reports that the Taliban’s rule has also erased the Afghans’ standards of life. Since the takeover, the economy has collapsed by up to 30%, and there have been an estimated 700,000 job losses. Over 90% of people have experienced food insecurity in one way or another. The situation in Afghanistan remains precarious and uncertain, and the earthquake has only exacerbated this.

To provide context for the Taliban’s gender apartheid in Afghanistan, a proper foundation must be laid. In 2021, after the US withdrew troops from Afghanistan, the extremist group rose to power and established itself as the sole authority. Since resuming their regime, they have implemented restrictive, discriminatory practices against women. Women have been banned from attending and tutoring at universities, women cannot work, and most girls cannot attend secondary school. These Taliban-imposed constraints have left women and girls increasingly confined to their homes, which is why they suffered the most from the natural disaster. Even when women are allowed to go outside, they must comply with the strictly enforced dress code that requires them to be fully covered, and on top of that, they must be accompanied by a male chaperone.

Image 3 Children in a refuge shelter in Afghanistan. Source Flickr.
Image 3 Children in a refuge shelter in Afghanistan. Source Flickr.

What’s Currently Going On

Considering the plight women have to endure under this restrictive government, it has been extremely difficult for aid to reach these vulnerable communities. An obstacle women must overcome to get relief is they must have a male relative’s tazkera, a national identity card. Since there is an absence of women working at the distribution center, many women cannot obtain humanitarian aid if they don’t have male relatives who can access it on their behalf. They also need to adorn the Islamic hijab so they can dress appropriately to access services and relief. This natural disaster has decimated homes, destroyed families, and left many to grieve their loss alone. How can the government discriminate and impose restrictions on who can receive aid in a time of crisis? After losing their husbands, fathers, and sons to this calamity, what are women supposed to do? Is there life meaningless without a male associated with it? Are they not worthy of aid from Afghanistan’s government?

Sonita Bahram, who is part of a team providing medical assistance to survivors, recounts the hardships women have had to withstand during these trying times. “I saw dozens of women and girls each day, and I can tell you that 99.9% of them were suffering from some sort of psychological trauma,” she said. Bahram narrates how women who have lost their homes, some of them their entire families, now have to work together to exist. Survivors seek refuge in the sea of tents that now stand in the rubble of Afghanistan’s towns and cities. Women are tying tattered blankets and even their headscarves to construct some semblance of privacy. On top of the mental stress and trauma that these women have had to endure from their daily home lives, these devasting earthquakes add significantly to their worries.

Significance

Conflict, food insecurity, drought, displacement, and poverty were already prevalent among the women and children of Afghanistan, but since the deadly earthquake, the government has continued to marginalize this group. The obstacles Afghani women have to overcome to receive aid are egregious; the treatment of women survivors has been abysmal, and they make up the majority of the fatalities. The humanitarian crisis involving women’s rights has been festering for a long time in the country, but this catastrophe has only inflated the concerns and hardships of the minority group. The severity of this issue has reached a global extent, with international relief centers and governments limiting humanitarian help to Afghanistan since the Taliban took power because of the government’s flagrant breaches of human rights, especially those committed against women and girls. This is harmful to the women and children of Afghanistan because they are the ones in dire need. It is important to support and donate to NGOs that are providing aid. UNICEF has launched a $20 million appeal to support 96,000 children affected by the earthquake. Life USA is pledging funds to provide emergency relief to the survivors. 2023 Afghanistan Earthquake Relief is also a great organization committed to doing beneficial work. By supporting these organizations, we can help the women and children of Afghanistan even if their government chooses not to.

 

 

 Anti-Arab Rhetoric in Turkey: A Growing Concern

Picture of a family in their home.
A Syrian family in Turkey. Source: Creative Commons.

In recent years, anti-Arab rhetoric has become increasingly visible in Turkey, fueled by complex socio-political and economic factors. Historically known as a bridge between East and West, Turkey has long been home to diverse communities, including Arabs, Kurds, Armenians, and Greeks. However, with the influx of Arab migrants and refugees, particularly following the Syrian Civil War, tensions have risen, sparking a disturbing trend of xenophobic and anti-Arab sentiments. This blog post explores the causes, manifestations, and implications of this rising anti-Arab rhetoric in Turkey.

 Historical Context: Arab-Turkish Relations

The historical relationship between Turkey and Arab nations has been shaped by the Ottoman Empire, which governed much of the Arab world until the early 20th century. Following the empire’s collapse, nationalist movements in both Arab nations and Turkey drove a wedge between these communities. Fast forward to the 21st century, Turkey’s regional policies, particularly under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, have seen fluctuating alliances with Arab states. However, these geopolitical dynamics don’t fully explain the more recent wave of anti-Arab sentiment that has taken root within Turkey’s society.

 The Syrian Refugee Crisis: A Catalyst for Tension

The Syrian Civil War, which began in 2011, triggered one of the largest refugee crises in modern history. As a neighboring country, Turkey quickly became a primary destination for Syrian refugees, with over 3.7 million currently residing within its borders, making it the largest host of refugees in the world. While Turkey initially welcomed refugees under a temporary protection regime, the prolonged nature of the conflict has strained public resources and tested the patience of local communities.

A 2018 report by the Brookings Institution noted that the economic impact of hosting such a large number of refugees, coupled with Turkey’s existing economic challenges, has led to growing resentment among Turkish citizens who feel that their job opportunities and resources are threatened by the refugee population (Brookings Institution, 2018). This economic strain has provided fertile ground for xenophobic rhetoric, with Arabs often scapegoated as the cause of Turkey’s economic difficulties.

Social Media and the Spread of Anti-Arab Narratives

The rapid spread of misinformation on social media has amplified anti-Arab sentiments in Turkey. As highlighted by a 2021 report from the International Crisis Group, various narratives falsely claim that Arabs receive preferential treatment in public services, occupy housing meant for Turkish citizens, and are unwilling to integrate into Turkish society (International Crisis Group, 2021). These stereotypes have fostered an environment in which Arabs, particularly Syrian refugees, are viewed as a cultural and economic threat.

Percentage of Arabic speakers in Turkey (including refugees) in 2018. Source: Wikimedia Commons.

 Political Rhetoric: Nationalism and Populism Fueling Anti-Arab Sentiment

In Turkish politics, nationalist rhetoric has been a powerful tool, especially as economic conditions worsen. Leaders from opposition parties have frequently targeted the Arab refugee population, promising to repatriate Syrians if they gain power. Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, leader of the opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), has often vocalized anti-refugee positions, claiming that refugees are an economic burden on Turkey (Al Jazeera, 2022). Such rhetoric not only gains traction among economically vulnerable citizens but also legitimizes anti-Arab sentiments within public discourse.

Erdogan’s government has adopted a dual approach—on one hand, maintaining its open-door policy for humanitarian reasons, and on the other, seeking to return a large number of Syrians to “safe zones” in northern Syria. While this policy has been touted as a solution to relieve the domestic pressure caused by the refugee crisis, critics argue that it is an attempt to appease nationalist sentiments and address domestic discontent with Arab communities (The New Humanitarian, 2023).

 Cultural Xenophobia: Deepening Social Divides

Anti-Arab rhetoric in Turkey has also extended to cultural and social realms. Some Turkish citizens argue that the presence of Arabic language signs, the establishment of Arab-owned businesses, and cultural differences signal a broader threat to Turkish identity. A study published in Ethnic and Racial Studies observed that Arabs in Turkey face discrimination in housing, employment, and social interactions due to these perceived cultural differences (Yıldız & Sayın, 2021).

Media outlets have also been complicit in promoting anti-Arab stereotypes. Sensationalized reports frequently link Arab residents to crime and social disorder, further entrenching negative perceptions. This cultural xenophobia has led to an alarming increase in hate crimes against Arab communities, with physical and verbal assaults reported in various cities across Turkey (Human Rights Watch, 2023).

 The Impact of Anti-Arab Rhetoric on Turkey’s Social Fabric

The rise of anti-Arab rhetoric has serious implications for Turkey’s social cohesion. As anti-Arab sentiments continue to rise, both Turkish nationals and Arab residents find themselves divided along ethnic and cultural lines, leading to an environment where distrust and hostility overshadow potential cooperation and understanding.

Addressing the Issue: The Need for Inclusive Policies

To address anti-Arab sentiment, Turkey must adopt more inclusive policies that recognize and address the legitimate concerns of both Turkish citizens and Arab residents. Policymakers should prioritize efforts to improve economic conditions for all residents and counter misinformation. Additionally, fostering intercultural dialogue and promoting positive narratives about diversity could help to alleviate existing tensions.

Turkey’s future as a multicultural society depends on its ability to overcome the challenges posed by anti-Arab rhetoric. By embracing inclusive policies and promoting social unity, Turkey can transform the current wave of xenophobia into an opportunity for growth and resilience.

 References

– Al Jazeera. (2022). Turkish opposition leader Kılıçdaroğlu reiterates call to send Syrian refugees home. Retrieved from [https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/5/10/turkish-opposition-leader-urges-syrian-refugees-return-home](https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/5/10/turkish-opposition-leader-urges-syrian-refugees-return-home)

– Brookings Institution. (2018). The Syrian refugee crisis and its impact on Turkey’s economy. Retrieved from [https://www.brookings.edu/research/the-syrian-refugee-crisis-and-its-impact-on-turkeys-economy](https://www.brookings.edu/research/the-syrian-refugee-crisis-and-its-impact-on-turkeys-economy)

– Human Rights Watch. (2023). Rising xenophobia in Turkey’s cities: Arabs face mounting hostility. Retrieved from [https://www.hrw.org/report/2023/07/24/rising-xenophobia-turkey](https://www.hrw.org/report/2023/07/24/rising-xenophobia-turkey)

– International Crisis Group. (2021). Social media misinformation and xenophobia in Turkey. Retrieved from [https://www.crisisgroup.org/europe-central-asia/western-europemediterranean/turkey/social-media-xenophobia-turkey](https://www.crisisgroup.org/europe-central-asia/western-europemediterranean/turkey/social-media-xenophobia-turkey)

– The New Humanitarian. (2023). Turkey’s plans for ‘safe zones’ in Syria: Solution or populist promise? Retrieved from [https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news/2023/03/16/turkey-safe-zone-syria-solution-or-populist-promise](https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news/2023/03/16/turkey-safe-zone-syria-solution-or-populist-promise)

– Yıldız, E., & Sayın, M. (2021). Arab Refugees in Turkey: Discrimination and Social Integration. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 44(3), 489-507.

 

Food Insecurity: Ecuador and the Global Poor

Since 2014 and the COVID-19 pandemic, food insecurity has been steadily rising, with hundreds of millions being threatened by malnutrition and hunger. In 2020, above 30% of the global population was found to be moderately or severely food insecure. Food insecurity affects different populations in distinct ways, and in order to understand this more clearly, we examine Ecuador. Here, historical contexts have unique influences on food insecurity, but also, this nation exemplifies the reality that low-income nations face when combatting hunger. 

Facts and figures of food insecurity in Ecuador 

Hunger is an issue that is widespread globally and within Latin America and the Caribbean. In fact, researchers Akram Hernández-Vásquez, Fabriccio J. Visconti-Lopez, and Rodrigo Vargas-Fernández found that the region has the second-highest figures for food insecurity globally. The region is also predicted to be the fastest-growing in food insecurity rates. 

Ecuador is just one example of why food insecurity manifests and in which populations. The country is ranked second in the region for chronic child malnutrition: 23% of children under five and 27% of children lack access to proper nutrition. 

According to the Global Food Banking Network, an international non-profit focused on alleviating hunger, 900,000 tons of food are wasted or lost yearly in Ecuador. This is an alarming statistic considering that 33% of the population experienced food insecurity between 2018 and 2020 一 a threefold increase since 2014-2016. 

Economic conditions have only been heightened in the pandemic, leading to widespread protests across the nation by indigenous people demanding equitable access to education, healthcare, and jobs. In sum, indigenous people cannot afford to get by, exacerbating existing food insecurity.

A man holding a protest sign with a few people to the left.
Figure 1: Source: Flickr, Motoperu; Protesters holding a sign that says “No more injustice, eliminate lifetime presidential salaries,” Cuenca, Ecuador.

Maria Isabel Humagingan, a 42-year-old Indigenous Quichua from Sumbawa in Cotopaxi province described why she was protesting to Aljazeera reporter Kimberley Brown. 

“For fertilizer, for example, it used to be worth $15 or up to $20, now it costs up to $50 or $40. Sometimes we lost everything [the whole crop]. So we no longer harvest anything.”

During a time when global inflation is rising, it is the poorest people who are at the most risk. Even those who used to live on subsistence farming are vulnerable. The United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) found that Ecuador’s food insecurity had risen from 20.7% to 36.8% in one year during the pandemic, and it is apparent that indigenous peoples are the most at risk during this time. 

This is not to mention the fact that during a time when global hunger is growing, there is a disproportionate impact on women. Ultimately, food insecurity, while complex and layered, is a mirror of the prejudices and inequalities of society. In order to better understand why and who is impacted, we first need to understand two components: is food available (production and imports), is the food adequate (nutritious), and is food accessible (affordability)? 

Factors behind food insecurity in Ecuador and beyond 

Environmental Racism 

Ecuador has a long history of environmental racism, and for the sake of brevity, we will be focusing on the practices of Texaco/Chevron and its impact on soil fertility. 

Victoria Peña-Parr defines environmental racism as,

“minority group neighborhoods—populated primarily by people of color and members of low-socioeconomic backgrounds—… burdened with disproportionate numbers of hazards including toxic waste facilities, garbage dumps, and other sources of environmental pollution and foul odors that lower the quality of life.”

From 1964 to 1990, Texaco (which merged with Chevron in 2001) drilled oil in the Ecuadorian Amazon. Over 16 billion gallons of toxic wastewater were dumped in water sources and unlined open pits left to seep into the soil and devastate clean water sources for people and agriculture. Additionally, 17 million gallons of crude oil were spilled in the disaster now known as “Amazon Chernobyl.” Ecuadorians, a good majority of which were indigenous peoples displaced from their land due to environmental destruction, levied a suit against Chevron which was won in February 2011. 

Indigenous people standing behind and looking at an open and unlined oil pit.
Figure 2: Source: Yahoo Images; Indigenous people overlooking one of 900 unlined, open oil pits from Chevron.

During the judicial process, 916 unlined and abandoned pits of crude oil were found. The human rights implications of this historic case and horrifying disregard for human and environmental safety are lengthy, in order to learn more read this blog by Kala Bhattar. 

With this brief background in mind, it is clear to see how this would impact agricultural production, particularly in rural areas where indigenous persons live. Moreover, Afro-Ecuadorians, while only making up 7.2% of the population, are 40% of those living in poverty in the entire country. Most Afro-Ecuadorians live in the province of Esmeraldas, one of the poorest in the country, where most people live off agriculture and “85% of people live below the poverty line.”

UN experts have found that this population is the most vulnerable to environmental racism, suffering from systematic contamination of water supplies and intimidation. 

As people suffer through the impacts of a ravaged environment, they must continue to rely on subsistence farming without aid. When crops fail to provide enough economically and for individual families, many go without in this impoverished region. 

Climate Change

Global warming is leading to changes in weather patterns that have a serious impact on agricultural production 一, particularly in low-income countries that rely on seasonal rains, temperature, and other factors. 

Climate change has also led to more severe and deadly disruptions, from hurricanes and earthquakes to monsoons, flooding, and mudslides. Ecuador has been suffering from these climate changes, despite only producing 2.5 metric tons of CO2 emissions per capita (the US comparatively emitted 5,222 million tons in 2020). 

Specifically, Ecuador has suffered from a lack of water, specifically irrigation water, landslides, droughts, and heavy rains. The last two aforementioned climate impacts are particularly salient issues as it has impacted seed development by not allowing them to germinate or produce. 

Image of a map with areas ranging from blue to deep red to indicate areas under threat by climate change. Latin America, Sub-saharan Africa, and Southeast Asia are the most threatened.
Figure 3: Source: Yahoo Images, Mannion, et al. in Trends in Ecology & Evolution; Worldmap where biodiversity is threatened the most by climate change.

In all, the consequences of climate change are having disproportionate effects on low-income states globally in spite of the that they have historically contributed very little to greenhouse emissions. The worst impacts are on nations surrounding the equator and countries with relatively hot climates 一 both of which tend to be low-income countries. 

Ukraine War

Due to the ongoing war in Ukraine, food prices have been rising. Ukraine is a leading wheat producer globally. It is the seventh-largest producer of wheat, supplies 16% of the world’s corn, and 40% of the world’s sunflower oil. In the summer of 2022, 22 million tons of grain were stranded in Ukrainian ports, causing mostly low-income countries to feel the growing threat of food insecurity. 

Additionally, Ukraine supplied 40% of the World Food Programme’s (WFP) wheat supply. The immediate impact of this is clear in the 45% increase in wheat prices in Africa alone, while any country that receives aid from WFP (which Ecuador has since 1964) is threatened directly by the situation. 

As food prices continue to soar, the price of food sold within lower-income nations remains the same, creating a gap between cost and production. The conflict has also led to increases in the price of fuel and fertilizer, leading to food insecurity in many countries beyond just Ecuador. The war in Ukraine has disrupted global food supply chains and led to the largest global food crisis since WWII. 

Hunger and the human right to food 

There has long been a precedent in the international human rights framework for the right to food, beginning with the first declaration (unanimously accepted) in 1948. In Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the right to an adequate standard of living is guaranteed to everyone with the express mention of food. Fast forward 20 years later, and once more, Article 11 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) reiterates (almost identically) the right to food. 

The ICESCR actually expounds further on a state’s responsibility to free everyone from hunger, specifically outlining that either individually or through international cooperation specific programs should be developed to address food insecurity and hunger. Moreover, the covenant addresses that food-importing and food-exporting countries should both be reviewed for problems that would impact the equitable distribution of food globally. Lastly, agrarian systems should be reformed to address nutrition and achieve maximum utilization and efficient use of agricultural resources.

Image of a bowl with the words “Zero Hunger” from the 2015 UN Sustainable Development Goals.
Figure 4: Source: Yahoo Images, United Nations; Logo of the second Sustainable Development Goal to end hunger.

In 1999, the Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights convened to review the progress to end hunger. General Comment 12 reiterated the obligation of states to fulfill the aforementioned responsibilities. Most crucially, however, was the specific mention that states must immediately address issues of discrimination that plague food insecurity. In the case of Ecuador, it is clear that this remains a salient issue. 

Most recently, in 2015, during a historic UN summit, world leaders adopted 17 objectives to be achieved by 2030. Known as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the second objective is to create a “Zero Hunger” world by 2030. 

Conclusion: Fighting Food Insecurity 

According to the World Food Program, 60% of the world’s hungry live in areas afflicted by conflict. There is no simple way to end a conflict, but it is crucial that all states remember their commitments to the SDGs and ICESCR. This means that states need to step in to provide nutritious food when a home state will not or cannot. Just like Red Cross, journalists, and other humanitarian organizations are protected by international humanitarian law from being targeted in conflict, so too should persons ensuring food access to people. Moreover, countries should address the factors that contribute to food insecurity such as environmental racism and climate change. 

There is no one solution for this issue since there is no single cause. However, by refusing to accept these conditions, learning more about the causes and conditions of food insecurity, and demanding more, we can begin to bring about a world that truly is free from hunger.

  • Food Insecurity in Birmingham, AL by Mary Bailey
  • America: The Land of the Hungry by Kala Bhattar 
  • The Right to Food: A Government Responsibility by Zee Islam 
  • Donate to the World Food Program
  • Learn more and get directly involved with SDGs 
  • Follow @uab_ihr for Speaker events, blogs, and to learn more about supporting human rights locally and globally

 

The Palestinian Struggle: The Recent Al-Aqsa Attack and Ongoing Human Rights Violations

In May 2020, I sat at the dinner table with my family breaking our fast for Ramadan as we heard our home country was still facing many hardships. Being Palestinian, I am constantly surrounded by news notifications and Instagram posts explaining the horrors of many lives, but for some reason, that night, I felt a different wave of emotions as I saw my friends post about their families and neighbors’ villages being bombed, indicating that my family’s village was under attack. Three years later, the feeling still lingers, echoing the struggles faced by my ancestors since Al-Nakba in 1948. Every year during Ramadan, which is the holy month for millions of Muslims around the world, I reflect on the safety of our homes midst of breaking our fasts while millions in Palestine struggle to protect themselves under Israeli occupation, not just in Ramadan, but since the first Nakba (catastrophe) in 1948. The Palestinian struggle has persisted through generations, yet it continues to be brushed off by many influential international figures.

Palestinians Standing in Solidarity.
Yahoo Images

Al-Aqsa Attack

During Ramadan, a month of peace and harmony, we Palestinian Muslims observe, through social media, the horrifying repetitive news, waiting for the cycle to continue. A cycle where Israel attacks Gaza Strip arrests innocents, and raids holy sites. A cycle that is continuously ignored by the mainstream media. Earlier this week, the Masjid (Mosque) Al-Aqsa, one of the holiest sites for Muslims, was attacked by the Israeli Defense Force (IDF). While many were gathered to perform their prayers, the IDF stormed the Mosque, attacking worshipers, arresting many, and vandalizing the holy site. A place where Muslims go to strengthen their faith, find security, and seek sanctuary, has been torn away. This attack continued for two days, with the IDF arresting around 450 Palestinians. They stomped the Mosque right after Night Prayers, firing stun grenades and beating up worshippers using rifle butts. It is devastating to see a place of worship being attacked and turned into a crime scene.

Israeli Defense Forces attack Palestinians in Mosque
Yahoo Images

The images and events that took place in Al-Aqsa shocked the United Nations and many nations around the world. Turkey is among the few countries to come out and condemn Israel’s actions. The Arab League has urged the UN Security Council to intervene and stop the hate crimes, while other countries such as Jordan, Egypt, and Qatar have expressed their support for Palestine.

Amnesty International has documented the experiences faced by Palestinians during these attacks. Shadi, a 17-year-old, stated: “Twice I tried to raise my head, and both times [the police] beat me with the butt of their guns on my head […] you are not allowed to raise your head. I was hurting all over my body from the beatings and the bruises… what I went through does not even compare to the beatings others faced.”

The Palestinian Struggle

The Palestinian struggle has existed since 1948, with conditions deteriorating over time. Palestinians continue to live under an apartheid regime. Amnesty International noted through its past investigations that the Israeli forces enforce systems of oppression, domination, and control against Palestinians. Despite some portraying the Palestinian-Israeli conflict as a “two-sided” issue or a “religious war,” it requires the two sides to be on equal stance, for it is an equal fight. In reality, this is a one-sided conflict, where Israel possesses the weapons and Palestinians to live under its occupation. Since the Gulf War, Israel has implemented economic and political sanctions that are evident to this day. These sanctions include road blockades to prevent Palestinians from entering Israeli territories, controlled city borders, and different governmental statuses based on ethnicity. There is no explanation or justification that could be presented for the mistreatment of Palestinians. Along with Amnesty International, many countries and activists have called for the condemnation of Israel and for the International Community to take action to address the situation.

There have been efforts to enact peace plans and promote a two-state solution in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. However, these talks often leave out the most critical voice, that of the Palestinians. The latter is impossible to achieve if Israel is not held accountable and faced with consequences for its actions in international courts. Peace cannot be reached as long as Palestinians continue to face disposition and displacement and live under constant control and occupation.

Blockades in Palestine
Yahoo Images

Human Rights Violations

There are numerous documented human rights violations committed by Israel, among which are:

  • Apartheid. Israel established a system that mirrors Apartheid, which is defined as “an institutionalized regime of oppression and domination by one racial group over another.” Apartheid is seen as one of the worst human rights violations and drastically breaches international law.
  • Unlawful attacks and killings. Israel is also accused of many unlawful attacks and killings of Palestinians, whether through storming Al-Aqsa to attacks on the Gaza Strip.
  • The Right to truth, justice, and reparations. The Israeli government continues to be noncooperative with investigations by the international courts.
  • Freedom of movement. There are over 170 permanent checkpoints and roadblocks within Palestine, impeding the Palestinians’ ability to travel freely throughout the country. Millions of Palestinians have been displaced since the start of the war, with the number continuing to grow with forced evictions and demolitions of homes and villages.
  • Freedom of association and expression. Many Palestinians are denied the right to express their views and protest their attackers freely.
Unlawful Arrest of Palestinian man
Yahoo Images

Gaza Strip

The Gaza Strip is known as the largest open-air prison in the world. Home to more than two million Palestinians, with the Gaza Strip being the Israeli authorities’ main point of attack and destruction. Israel completely controls the Gaza Strip by imposing an airtight blockade on land, sea, and air. Those who live in that region are rarely able to leave unless it’s an “exceptional humanitarian case, with an emphasis on urgent medical cases,”—which are rarely granted. Surrounding the Gaza Strip, Israel constructed an electric fence and a concrete wall to prevent entry and escape. In 2001, Israel boomed and demolished the only airport in the Gaza Strip, further isolating the region. Israel’s blockade and control of Gaza limit access to clean water, electricity, aid, and humanitarian and medical care. It is a modern-day prison camp that goes unnoticed in the mainstream media.

Gaza Strip
Yahoo Images

What can you do

The Palestinian struggle is a humanitarian issue that requires a much deeper dive beyond the scope of this post. Unfortunately, it is often overlooked and constantly neglected in mainstream media. The most vital thing one can do is to educate themselves, advocate, and be aware of the struggles happening across the world. Speak to your Palestinian peers, read publications, and listen to the news.

To learn more…

Check out Amnesty International’s full report: Israel’s Apartheid against Palestinians: Cruel System of Domination and a crime against humanity.

Keep up with unbiased sources that report on the conditions of Palestine and Israel, such as the B’Tselem – The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories and The New Arab. 

Mohammad Al-Kurd’s speech presented at the UN General Assembly.