Category: Human Rights Issues

The Treatment of People with Disabilities in Institutional Care Settings in Brazil

 

A flag of Brazil flowing in the wind
Image 1: Flag of Brazil. Source: Yahoo! Images

Overview of the Issue 

In Brazil, thousands of children and adults with disabilities are confined to institutions for people with disabilities, facing widespread neglect, abuse, and isolation. Designed ostensibly to provide care, many of these institutions have instead devolved into detention centers where individuals are deprived of their autonomy and dignity. Reports from Human Rights Watch reveal the harrowing conditions experienced by people with disabilities in these facilities, underscoring the urgent need for systemic reform to safeguard their basic rights.  

One relevant case is that of Leonardo, a 25-year-old man with muscular dystrophy who has lived in a residential institution since he was 15. His mother, unable to care for him due to a lack of adequate support, was left with little to no choice. Like many others, Leonardo shares cramped quarters with multiple residents, with minimal privacy or control over his daily life. There are very few meaningful activities available for him to partake in, and he has seemingly no apparent opportunity to participate in society as an autonomous individual, mirroring the experiences of countless other residents across Brazil’s institutions.  

Causes of Institutionalization  of the Care for People with Disabilities 

The institutionalization of the care for individuals with disabilities in Brazil is shown through several interrelated systemic issues. First, the lack of adequate support for families plays a significant role. The government offers limited resources, and financial assistance programs, such as the Benefício de Prestação Continuada (BPC), often fail to fully meet the comprehensive needs of individuals with disabilities, which include therapy, assistive devices, and accessible housing. Without meaningful support systems, families may feel they have no alternative but to rely on institutional care.  

Brazil’s legal and systemic framework also plays a crucial role. Guardianship laws that remove legal capacity from individuals with disabilities mean that many residents in institutions cannot consent to their placement. This lack of autonomy, combined with the stigma of ableism, creates an environment where people with disabilities are treated as passive recipients of care rather than individuals who should have rights and preferences. Public perception remains rooted in ableist attitudes, which continue to limit access to inclusive services and resources.   

The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated these disparities, intensifying existing challenges for people with disabilities in Brazil’s institutional care settings. This revealed vulnerabilities in both healthcare access and living conditions. Individuals with disabilities were disproportionately affected by the virus due to several factors, including pre-existing health conditions, limited access to adequate healthcare, and cramped, unsanitary living environments within institutions. These conditions not only increased infection rates but also made it difficult to implement preventive measures, such as social distancing and proper sanitation.   

Hospital Beds. Source: Yahoo! Images
Image 2: Hospital Beds. Source: Yahoo! Images

Problems Within Institutions for People with Disabilities 

The institutional care setting for People with Disabilities in Brazil fails to meet even the most basic standards of dignity and human rights. Living conditions in many of these institutions are deplorable. Reports from Human Rights Watch describe facilities that resemble prisons more than care centers. Physical restraints, such as tying residents to beds or sedating them, are surprisingly common. Such practices not only prevent individuals from engaging in any form of meaningful activity, but also contribute to a host of physical and psychological traumas.  

Isolation is another significant, impactful issue. Many residents are confined to their beds or rooms for extended periods, with little to no engagement in social interaction or personal development. Children, specifically, suffer due to the lack of educational and recreational activities, which then stunts their intellectual and emotional growth. This isolation leads to further stigmatization and marginalization, unfortunately reinforcing the perception that people with disabilities are separate from society and should be hidden from view, whether intentionally or not.  

The lack of oversight and enforcement of existing laws allows for egregious human rights abuses to go unchecked. In many cases, individuals are institutionalized unlawfully, deprived of family connections, and subjected to a lifetime of neglect. Children who enter these institutions often lose contact with their families permanently, which can lead to long-term emotional trauma and a deep sense of abandonment.  

Access to healthcare for people with disabilities in Brazil also remains alarmingly inadequate. Despite the legal frameworks designed to protect their rights, physical and financial barriers to healthcare still exist, compounded by a lack of training among healthcare providers to address the specific needs of people with disabilities. These gaps contribute to a high incidence of preventable health complications and reduced life expectancy.   

Efforts Toward Reform  

While Brazil has established a strong legal framework for the rights of people with disabilities, including the ratification of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) and the enactment of the 2016 Law on Inclusion, the enforcement and practical implementation of these laws remain lacking in change. Legal rights exist on paper, but without mechanisms to enforce them, individuals with disabilities continue to suffer abuse, neglect, and loss of their freedoms.  

United Nations Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and many advocacy organizations have called on the Brazilian government to transition from institutional care to community-based services that prioritize individual autonomy and family support. These efforts encourage the development of small, inclusive residences and group homes to reduce the dependence on large-scale institutions. Although some of these programs have been started up, they fall short of ensuring true independence and often lack the necessary resources to fully support residents in their transition to independent living.  

Efforts to improve healthcare access are underway, focusing on providing disability-specific training to healthcare providers and addressing financial and physical accessibility challenges. These interventions are essential to improving the health outcomes of individuals with disabilities and to fostering an inclusive healthcare environment that treats people with disabilities as valued members of society.  

Looking Ahead  

The treatment of people with disabilities in institutional care settings in Brazil reveals a profound humanitarian crisis that requires focused attention. The combination of insufficient support systems, societal stigma, and legal challenges results in an environment where individuals with disabilities are denied their rights, autonomy, and dignity. While Brazil has made some strides toward recognizing and enshrining the rights of individuals with disabilities, significant gaps remain in the enforcement of these rights and in the availability of community-based alternatives to institutionalization.  

Addressing these issues calls for a multifaceted approach, including policy reform, enhanced support for families, and the development of inclusive, community-based care. By prioritizing the rights and voices of individuals with disabilities, Brazil can move toward a more just and humane society where all individuals are treated with respect, dignity, and equal opportunity.  

 

Child Soldiers in Northeast Syria

Exposure to warfare at a young age has been associated with distress that does not easily wither away. This correlation can be seen in the reality of many children as young as 12 years old in the autonomous northeastern region of Syria. The region is governed by the Kurdish Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) and led by its active military wing, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). Under the SDF control are various organizations such as the unarmed Kurdish youth group, Revolutionary Youth Movement, or, as referred to by the locals, Tevgera Ciwanên Şoreşger. Since late 2020, the members have stopped hosting intellectual and networking events and rather directed focus onto military enlistment. Consequently, for years, the group has become a prominent player in the sudden recruitment of child soldiers in Syria whilst holding the claim that the voluntary consent of each child is collected prior to placement in their educational training programs. However, several international organizations have reported the Revolutionary Youth Movement for unsolicited recruitment of children from Syrian regions within and outside of the AANES control with fraud claims of offering educational courses, in addition to coercion. 

Map illustrating the geographic divisions of control in Syria.
Image 1: Map illustrating the geographic divisions of control in Syria. | Source: Yahoo Images

Speculated Training Procedures  

Initial recruitment by the Revolutionary Youth Movement has been speculated to have a direct method with young teenage members approaching children in public settings, building trust, and inviting them for educational lectures with the intention of luring them into joining military positions. A Syrian human rights researcher, in an interview conducted by Human Rights Watch, shared that following recruitment, children are put through dogmatic training and then transferred for integration into a selected armed group. The researcher expands to note that some children receive supplementary training on utilizing force and violence from the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), an armed group based in Turkey and Iraq, in the Qandil Mountains. When the Human Rights Watch team directly asked the PPK regarding the matter, they denied the observed reports of child recruitment, denied having any relations with the Syrian youth movements, and emphasized their objective to comply with the regulations of the Geneva Convention, integral international treaties that maintain the moral boundaries of warfare. In contrast, the statement of the researcher has been supported by references made in a Danish federal agency report, the Centre for Documentation and Counter Extremism, of sighted training camps for indoctrinated children in the Qandil or Sinjar Mountains of Iraq. Another supporting document identified is the U.S. State Department Trafficking in Persons report, which notes observations of the Revolutionary Youth Movement coercing children to undergo military training in the Qandil mountains. Both reports are from 2024. 

A child dressed in camouflage and holding a rifle in Syria.
Image 2: A child dressed in camouflage and holding a rifle in Syria. | Source: Yahoo Images

Direct Accounts  

Several sources have collected direct stories from families who have had their children taken away. In interviews conducted by Human Rights Watch, almost all families note that their children left home one day and have not been seen since. Following the initial disappearance, many searched and raised questions until eventually told through acquaintances or direct but anonymous calls with Revolutionary Youth Movement members about their child’s recruitment. Some families remark their children being used as support against Turkish intrusions in the AANES-controlled region, but not all know where their children are. 

The father of a missing 14-year-old daughter received a call offering him to see his daughter if he made a recording affirming his daughter’s recruitment was voluntary. The man denied the offer, and with over a year having passed, he has yet to see his child. It is worth noting that the father recalled his daughter communicating with a member of the group over Facebook Messenger prior to her disappearance.  

In another instance, a daughter was returned to her mother in Qamishli after her recruitment. However, soon after, the child received a phone call, which seemed to frighten her and led to her leaving again. The daughter did not share any details of her time with the group and has yet to return. 

Even after filing reports to the SDF and the Children Protection Office, families have been unsuccessful at bringing their children back home. As a result, devastated families experiencing the forced loss of their children, accompanied by distraught emotions and the realization that there is little that can be done, continue to occur in Syria. This struggle is further strengthened by the lack of communication and lack of certainty in knowing whether your child is safe, sleeping well, eating well, or even alive. 

Physical and Psychological Impacts on Children 

As this article began, the impacts of warfare exposure can be significantly detrimental in childhood. Testimonies of released children, by the Syria Justice and Accountability Center, discuss experiences of being imprisoned and beaten by trainers for disciplinary purposes. Such physical acts can lead to fright and fear being reinforced in the children again and again. Beyond physical harm, the psychological trauma of being a child soldier on one’s mental health is just as prevalent. Children being actively removed from their homes, schools, and societies with the loss of all contact results in the collapse of their social support systems and a reduced ability for social integration. Furthermore, young children must bear witness to violence and become vulnerable to the lasting effects of elevated distress and dysfunction in place of a time intended for their cognitive, behavioral, and social development. 

Legal Violations

Another facet of the matter is through the legal lens that regulates and raises questions of ethics. To begin with, the International Humanitarian Law, a globally applicable set of expectations, protects child well-being by preventing the recruitment or use of children as soldiers under the age of 15 in conflicts. Such young recruitment for armed support is further prohibited by the Rome Statute and is punishable by the International Criminal Court as a war crime. Syria does not fall under obligations to follow the Rome Statute, but if the UN Security Council were to report its concern to the ICC Office of the Prosecutor, this requirement would be considered a violation.  

Photo of Rt. Hon. Lamberto Dini, Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, signing the Rome Statute at the 1988 Rome Conference.
Image 3: Photo of Rt. Hon. Lamberto Dini, Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, signed the Rome Statute at the 1988 Rome Conference. | Source: Yahoo Images

Bringing a domestic focus on the country and region, in 2019, SDF signed an Action Plan with the UN requiring them to not only end all acts and support of military recruitment of children but also create protective and disciplinary measures in place to disincentivize such acts. However, in contrast to anticipated compliance, verified cases of child recruitment in NE Syria have remained steady, with a peak of 637 cases in 2022, and are yet to wither. Another legal defiance is of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syrian Region (DAANES’) Social Contract, the 2023 version of the original “Charter of the Social Contract of Rojava,” which was created after the rejection of centralized governance that autonomized the northern Syrian region. Among the new 134 articles, the English translation of Article 55 states, “Children’s rights are protected, and the use of violence against them, their employment, exploitation, and recruitment are prohibited. This is regulated by law”. 

With such legal expectations and obligations, SDF has emphasized a commitment to putting efforts towards ending all child recruitment in the region. However, the contrary continuation of recruitment activities may be due to the groups being directly intertwined with the political and military hierarchies of the AANES and SDF control. This is supported by the fact that the primary transfer of the children to armed groups is to the People’s Protection Unit (YPG) and its associated branch for women, the Women’s Protection Units (YPJ), both of which are branches housed under the SDF.  

A young female soldier of the YPJ group branch dressed in camouflage with a rifle on her shoulder.
Image 4: A young female soldier of the YPJ group branch dressed in camouflage with a rifle on her shoulder. | Source: Yahoo Images

Action Steps 

It is important to realize that the situation in Syria is not a matter of concern for just the region but rather a matter requiring fulfillment of global duties and human rights. The acts of the SDF risk the physical well-being of children today as well as the social, financial, and psychological well-being of their futures. 

Therefore, with legal and moral obligations present, it crucially falls onto international bodies and organizations to become actively involved in the protection of the Syrian children who are having childhoods and playtimes be replaced with training camps and military weapons. Such actions can be reported to the ICC Office of the Prosecutor, decisions taken against violations of SDF obligations to existing policies, or changes in regulatory practices.  

From a public perspective, advocacy for active progression towards solutions, support for organizations already involved in fighting child recruitment, and the spread of awareness of the devastating reality of Syrian families are all factors that have the power to play critical roles in protecting the children of Syria.

How Youth Mentoring Can Instill Resilience in the Next Generation

Introduction

The summer heat made itself known even as the AC blew full blast. Amidst the brown, dilapidated apartments, the heat waves emitting off the asphalt appeared like an endless ocean. I exited the car and made my way toward the school tucked among the federal housing apartments. The playground equipment was rusty, trash floated down the streets, and the smell of smoke burned my nose. A secretary greeted me with a toothy smile and asked me to sit while I waited. 

Then, she walked in. Her braids bounced off the sides of her head as she looked everywhere in the room except into my eyes. This was my first interaction with my Little (To protect her privacy, I will use a fake name, Shae, to refer to her). Shae is the sweetest, most curious, and energetic person I know. Whenever we meet, she asks me questions, eager to learn about my life, college, hometown, and family. 

Yet, getting to this point took work. As we sat together in an empty classroom that first day, she did not speak once. I watched her curious eyes soak me in as she looked me up and down. She studied the intricate embroidery of my purple keychain and spent minutes staring at my hair. I gave her crayons and paper, and while she hesitantly heeded my request to color with her, she did not look into my eyes. I first tried to engage with her by asking questions about her life. Yet, receiving no response each time, I realized I needed to earn her trust first. So, I talked to her about who I am, what I am doing here, and what my life is like.

 

In this image, Shae is smiling with a christmas cookie we decorated together at her school
Image 1: This was the first picture I took of Shae. We decorated the Christmas cookie together, and she was proud of herself, so I asked if I could take a photo of her holding it. (Shae’s parent authorized to publish the picture by signing UAB’s media release form) Source: Natasha Fernandez

Adverse Childhood Experiences

I met Shae as part of Big Brothers Big Sisters (BBBS), an organization that seeks to connect kids who have faced adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) with mentors who can provide an extra support system. According to the CDC‘s (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention) definition, ACEs refer to potentially traumatic events that occur during childhood, such as abuse, neglect, or household dysfunction (e.g., domestic violence and substance abuse). These experiences can have long-term effects on physical and mental health, increasing the risk of chronic illnesses, mental health disorders, and negative behaviors such as substance abuse, as well as impacting educational and socioeconomic outcomes in adulthood.

Certain demographics are more at risk of experiencing ACEs due to a range of socioeconomic, familial, and community factors. Studies have shown that these experiences disproportionately impact children from specific backgrounds, often due to systemic inequalities, lack of access to resources, and heightened exposure to stressors. Children from low-income households are significantly more likely to experience ACEs. Financial instability often results in chronic stress, food insecurity, limited access to healthcare, and housing instability—all of which can exacerbate family conflict and increase exposure to violence or neglect. In addition to economic status, research consistently shows that children from Black, Hispanic, and Indigenous communities have a higher likelihood of experiencing ACEs. In the United States, 61% of black non-Hispanic children and 51% of Hispanic children have experienced at least one ACE. In comparison, 40% of white non-Hispanic children and 23% of Asian non-Hispanic children have experienced at least one ACE. ACEs are more prevalent among racial minorities because of issues like housing discrimination, limited healthcare access, and higher exposure to community violence. These groups are often more vulnerable due to systemic racism, discrimination, and fewer opportunities for economic and social mobility.

Mentoring programs like BBBS show evidence of academic and social benefits for mentees. These relationships encourage academic engagement, improving grades and attendance while reducing dropout rates. A mentor’s encouragement instills a belief in the child’s ability to succeed academically, directly impacting self-esteem and future aspirations. Additionally, social guidance helps children navigate relationships, develop empathy, and build trust in others—all critical components for lifelong success and resilience. At BBBS, 91% of our Littles reported feeling a strong sense of belonging among peers, and 93% plan to graduate high school and attend college. 

My Personal Experience

 

This image depicts my first picture with Shae. We are on the playground and smiling
Image 2: This is the first picture Shae and I took together. When we were playing on the school’s playground she asked to take a selfie. (Shae’s parent authorized authorized to publish the picture by signing UAB’s media release form) Source: Natasha Fernandez

 

I completed an initiation process with BBBS, including a background check, references, an interview, and training. Once everything was in order, I was paired up with Shae. 

On that first day, I was filled with a mix of nerves and uncertainty. As I sat in my car, I couldn’t help but wonder, did I do a good job? Does she even like me? However, after a reassuring conversation with my match support coordinator at BBBS, I realized that my experience was not unique. I needed to stay strong and committed to my work, and with time, I would earn Shae’s trust.

Week by week, with each visit, coloring activity, game, and snack, Shae started to warm up to me. She slowly took down her barriers, starting by looking into my eyes. Then, she responded to my questions with yes or no answers and later in complete sentences.

The day Shae started asking me questions about my life, I was overwhelmed with joy. My Little took the lead, instructing me to ask her a question, and then she would reciprocate. We engaged in a lively back-and-forth for almost an hour. It was at that moment that I truly felt our bond had formed. Despite the three-month journey to reach this point, the reward was immeasurable. 

Over the next year, Shae opened up, and we formed a close friendship. When the new school year began, her third-grade teacher said they were starting a new school-wide program, and I could only visit my Little during restricted time periods. Finding the perfect time to visit her was difficult with my already packed schedule. Somedays, upon arrival at the elementary school, the secretary would inform me that her mother did not bring her in that day. Somedays, when I brought Shae to the multipurpose room, they were holding a conference, and I could not bring her to the playground because another class was using it. At one point, the school completely repurposed the multipurpose room, and I could only visit on the days the school counselor was not using her office. For the next two months, I was not able to meet with Shae due to the problems with the resource-poor school. Therefore, I requested to transfer to BBBS’s community program, where I could bring Shae to my home. Through this program, I can engage in even more exciting activities with her that she normally wouldn’t be able to do at her home or school. She loves to bake, so we’ve made just about everything from cupcakes and cookies to homemade ice cream and caramel apples.

 

In this image, Shae is eating a candy apple she insisted would taste better if it was dyed blue
Image 3: This image depicts Shae eating a candy apple that she insisted would taste better if it was dyed blue. (Shae’s parent authorized to publish the picture by signing UAB’s media release form) Source: Natasha Fernandez

 

I have been with Shae for almost four years now and have seen dramatic changes in her behavior and demeanor. She is prone to emotional outbursts, especially if she is losing a game. But, while she hasn’t completely lost this behavior, I have noticed differences over time. For example, last week, when we were playing Roblox, she became frustrated because the game started before she could finish getting ready. I started to calm her down, but before I could say a word, she said, “It’s okay because I will still have fun.” This brought tears to my eyes because she used my exact phrasing to self-soothe. I have also noticed an improvement in Shae’s communication and ability to express her needs. She now verbally expresses her emotions to me instead of becoming withdrawn or aggressive. 

The Effects of Youth Mentoring

Youth mentoring can play a transformative role in the lives of children who have experienced ACEs. These children often lack consistent, supportive relationships with adults. A mentor provides a stable, caring figure who models positive behavior, emotional regulation, and healthy decision-making. Studies show that mentors offer critical emotional support, which can counterbalance the effects of past trauma by reducing feelings of isolation and promoting a sense of belonging. For instance, a meta-analysis on youth mentoring found that children with mentors exhibit better psychological adjustment and emotional well-being than their non-mentored peers.

According to Harvard’s Center on the Developing Child, “The single most common factor for children who develop resilience is at least one stable and committed relationship with a supportive parent, caregiver, or other adult.” Through mentorship, children are exposed to new coping strategies and problem-solving skills vital for resilience. Mentors can guide mentees in identifying their strengths, expressing emotions healthily, and navigating challenges. For children facing stressors, learning to manage emotions and reframe experiences can reduce anxiety, depression, and the likelihood of developing mental health disorders. Coping mechanisms gained through mentoring contribute to a child’s adaptability and perseverance in the face of adversity. 

Children with ACEs are more likely to engage in risky behaviors as a coping mechanism. Mentoring relationships offer an alternative by providing a positive outlet and reducing the likelihood of substance abuse, delinquency, and violence. Mentors provide accountability and serve as advocates for healthier choices, which contributes to improved quality of life and fewer risk factors associated with ACEs.

 

In this picture, Shae and I are sitting in my car and she asked me to take a picture of her trying on my sunglasses.
Image 4: This is the first time I took Shae to my apartment. We were sitting in my car, and she asked me to take a picture of her trying on my sunglasses. (Shae’s parent authorized to publish the picture by signing UAB’s media release form) Source: Natasha Fernandez

Conclusion

There is a profound sense of satisfaction that comes with watching someone grow and knowing that a part of your best self lives in that person. I continue to meet with Shae weekly, and while some days are challenging and draining, I wouldn’t trade my time with her for anything. The progress she has made fills me with a deep sense of pride and accomplishment. It doesn’t take a lot to make a change: just one hour a week and enough love to share.

The Awaiting Arrest Warrant of Bangladesh

Abu Sayed, a student studying English at the Begum Rokeya University, stood on the streets of Rangpur with his arms wide open on July 16, 2024. Although posing no threat, within seconds, the young man was shot in the chest by officers standing 15 meters in front of him. This was in addition to the tear gas and batons others around him were suffering. Despite being only in his mid-20s, Sayed became a martyr that afternoon. 

Events setting the stage for such open violence in Bangladesh began on July 1st, 2024, with peaceful protests by students against the Prime Minister, Sheikha Hasina, and in response to the government’s decades-old quota system. 

Why a Protest? 

Following the war granting Bangladesh independence from Pakistan in 1971, a quota system for highly valued jobs was created. This system not only claimed more than half of the civil service posts for particular social groups but also reserved the top 30% of the most sought-after positions for relatives of the 1971 veterans. Initially, this was a choice of goodwill with the intention to acknowledge and appreciate the freedom fighters who secured their nation. However, despise and anger of the system in the Bangladeshi students arose due to two factors. First, the country is going through incrementally increasing unemployment rates. With a population of over 170 million and a median age of 25.7, over 30 million Bangladeshi are unemployed, with the youth being the most impacted. Second, many of the political leaders of the nation are the relatives of the 1971 veterans. This includes the 76-year-old Prime Minister, Sheikha Hasina, daughter of the assassinated Sheikha Mujibur Rahman. Although she is considered the longest-serving female head of government, there have been multiple remarks that her rule has become increasingly authoritarian over time. In other words, this trade of unemployment so that wealthy elites can sustain their security and high income is why the quota system is actively being called out as discriminatory and favoring the political supporters of Hasina’s Awami League party. In combination with the youth’s frustration with inequality and injustice, peaceful protesting began on July 1st at the prestigious Dhaka University. 

Protestors standing and sitting in a group advocating against the quota system with flags, posters, and paint.
Image 1: Protestors standing and sitting in a group advocating against the quota system with flags, posters, and paint. | Source: Yahoo Images

The Escalation  

Initiating in Dhaka, protests with students holding posters and flags quickly spread like fire through cities across the nation. However, as the youth of the nation began to unite, they soon faced a dramatic escalation of violence within days. On July 15th, students inside Dhaka University were directly attacked by rods, clubs, and sighted revolvers by members of the Bangladeshi Chatra League (BCL), a wing of the Awami League party. The following day, Abu Sayed was shot to death in the streets of Rangpur.  

A row of Bangladeshi police officers holding batons, their helmets, and shields.
Image 2: A row of Bangladeshi police officers holding batons, their helmets, and shields. | Source: Yahoo Images

A protestor in Dhaka, Hassan Abdullah, stated in a CNN interview, “The police are constantly bursting sound grenades right now.” Such grenades being thrown, shots being fired, and tear gas attacks quickly became a daily norm on the streets for weeks. There are even accounts of hospitalizations due to heads being smashed by officers.  

On July 18th, NetBlocks, an internet monitoring site, posted a confirmation of an almost complete internet shutdown throughout the country, in addition to efforts tampering with social media access and mobile data services. After July 18th, Bangladesh went entirely offline, blinding the world to the courses of action and violence occurring within. It is known, however, that the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), an anti-crime division of the Bangladeshi police, the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), a border security force, and the National Army were spread across the country alongside the alleged establishment of a shoot on sight curfew. A few days afterward, online restrictions were somewhat lifted, revealing over 200 deaths and thousands injured within a short span of 10 days.  

Since the escalation of events, in addition to the violence, many have also been arrested arbitrarily, with about 61,000 being accused in legal cases for protesting. Such open, brutal, and life-threatening violence with no remorse or apology continued into August. In fact, on August 4th alone, 91 people were killed, the highest death count within a single day in Bangladesh’s recent history, with hundreds more injured and/or hospitalized.  

As the only response to the frank harm and threat to her citizens, Sheikha Hasina initiated a judicial investigation of the matter as she encouraged the public to wait for the higher court to deliver a just decision.  

Resignation of Power 

After weeks of the determined protestors advocating for justice and the commotion that followed, on August 5th, Hasina resigned from her position and ended her dominance in the country’s politics. She is believed to have fled to a neighboring country in India, near Delhi.  

Within hours of the resignation, Mohammad Shahabuddin, Bangladesh’s President, released former Prime Minister and Hasina’s opposition rival, Khaleda Zia, who had been jailed for graft charges. Shahabuddin also proceeded to release all detained students captured for protesting the quota system. In addition, the curfew was lifted, a temporary government led by Muhammad Yunus was established, and new elections were intended to be held. 

Following Hasina’s departure, protestors continued committing aggressive acts. Furniture from the residency of Hasina was seen being carried out, police and government buildings were alit, and attempts to tear down the statue of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, father of Sheikha Hasina, were made. Such acts were done in celebration and to demand a new government that was not led by its military.

As of October 17th, the Bangladeshi International Crimes Tribunal has issued arrest warrants for 45 people, which includes Sheikha Hasina and other members of her cabinet. This is being done on the basis of Hasina presiding over the mass killings and inhumane crimes that occurred during the protests. As a result, Sheikha Hasina must appear before the court by the date of November 18th. 

Members of the protestors standing on top of a building to celebrate the end of the Hasina rule.
Image 3: Members of the protestors stood on top of a building to celebrate the end of the Hasina rule. | Source: Yahoo Images

Human Rights Matter

It is blatant that such treatment of individuals, as seen by the young Bangladeshi students, is inhumane and vicious. And so, there are certain factors in the situation worth bringing our attention to. Firstly, the unlawful use of force is being placed on protestors. The violent and lethal tactics accompanied by a range of weapons have led to hundreds dead and thousands injured. It is important to acknowledge that not only are these numbers but also living people being put through excruciating pains and grief physically and psychologically. Furthermore, Human Rights Watch has remarked that the excessive use of force by security personnel violates several international human rights standards, drawing widespread criticism from global human rights organizations. Another point is the arbitrary arrest of civilians in order to disrupt their ability to express and assemble. This was further pressed on by the internet restriction, which removed a major layer of protection for civilians. 

Sheikha Hasina giving a speech to the General Assembly of the UN dressed in a light blue sari.
Image 4: Sheikha Hasina gave a speech to the General Assembly of the UN dressed in a light blue sari. | Source: Yahoo Images

It is incredibly important to understand that the discussed situation is not solely relevant to Bangladesh; but rather to international affairs, as with all human rights matters. In fact, alongside the protesters in Bangladesh, smaller protests have already been held by international Bangladeshi students in New York, Melbourne, Sydney, and even Copenhagen. And so, not only is the world awaiting to see how Bangladesh’s unknown future forms, but also how the matter of human rights violation is dealt with by the Bangladeshi International Crimes Tribunal.  

As we wait for Hasina to determine if she will present herself before the court from a public perspective, we are able to consider a few choices of support. Join the movement by supporting organizations like Amnesty International, spreading awareness on social media, or writing to your local representatives to condemn the human rights abuses in Bangladesh. The ability of people to come together, even internationally, and make great differences is something that has always remained astounding.  

Human Trafficking: Sugaring and Social Media on College Campuses

Students walking on college campus
Image 1: Students walking on a college campus. Source: Yahoo Image.

For most people, college is the first time they are living away from home. Restless nights and cheap dinners line our schedules like old friends greeting us. Oftentimes, college students struggle financially. College campuses can easily turn into hotspots for people trying to find fast and easy ways to make money. 

People on social media platforms are always advertising for side gigs. Maybe it is a convenient modeling gig that wants new people, or maybe it is a random person in your DMs asking you to be their sugar baby. Suppose you’ve ever received a DM or ad like that, and you might have laughed them off. But have you ever thought about the implications of those messages and ads? What are they actually asking you? And could there be a darker side to their propositions? 

The startling reality of human trafficking is that it can happen in plain sight. Trafficked victims are not always locked away and secretly exploited. Social media, dating apps, and dating websites are used to recruit victims into human trafficking. Traffickers will create deceptive jobs or opportunities that a person more vulnerable may be susceptible to.   

Human trafficking is the use of fraud, coercion, and/or force to acquire labor and/or sexual acts. Blue Campaign is an organization that outlines guides for recognizing human trafficking victims and things to look out for in college students. Persons who may be more susceptible to becoming victims might struggle financially, lack support, be considered people pleasers, and be someone on their own for the first time.

The Process and Sugar Dating Among College Students

Letter cubes that spell online dating
Image 2: Letter cubes that spell online dating. Source: Yahoo Image.

Relationships between sugar babies and sugar daddies are based on the exchange of goods, money, and other incentives for intimate images and/or sexual intercourse. This relationship creates an imbalance of power. Sugar dating websites advertise themselves as your average dating website. The former sugar dating website SeekingArrangement, now known as Seeking, offers mutually beneficial relationships for its members. In the section, How Seeking Works, the first sentence advertises a luxury site for beautiful and rich people to meet. 

These sites are aimed at younger people who struggle with money problems. In the Polaris Project, they examine the process of how human trafficking can begin. In their introduction to the topic, they state: “Sometimes they offer material support – a place to live, clothing, a chance to ‘get rich quick’.” Traffickers offer “support” to their victims either monetary, materialistic, and/or emotional. 

While not everyone on sugar dating websites will be trafficked, the power imbalances of the relationships can create unhealthy environments that can lead to even worse circumstances. Some college campuses, like Georgia State University, have been reported to have decent amounts of  students using sugar dating websites. To combat this, the university has implemented a National Campus Safety Month. College campuses are encouraged to hold information events and send out resources that students can use to be educated on the subject. 

Social Media in Trafficking

Social media collage that says, "The Real Impact of Social Media"
Image 3: Social media collage that says, “The Real Impact of Social Media.” Source: Yahoo Image.

Recruitment can happen in many different ways. Not only can a trafficker manipulate a victim in person or on a website, but also on social media. These are some of the most popular places where recruitment can take place. In a study by the Pew Research Center, the most used social media platforms were YouTube, Facebook, and Instagram. When narrowing the age to under 30, the majority of platforms used are Instagram, Snapchat, and TikTok. 

Another study showed that 84% of adults ages 18-29 use some type of social media. Out of that number, 70% use Facebook, and a large sum use Snapchat, Instagram, and/or TikTok. Traffickers have been found to use social media to groom their victims. By faking relationships, they gain the trust of their victims. The technique that is used is called “boyfriending” where traffickers will portray themselves as loving partners and confidants. Traffickers will look at potential victim’s social media for signs that they might be easy to manipulate. People who overshare online and show active struggles with things such as financial stability, lack of romantic life, and loneliness are at higher risk of becoming targets. 

It has also been reported that traffickers use social media as a means of control. Victims’ social media are heavily regulated and their messages are monitored. In some instances, the trafficker will take complete control of the victims social media, going as far as to impersonate them. From there they are able to post explicit images and videos; some even communicate with friends and family. The purpose is to further alienate the victim from any potential support systems. 

Social media–as is the case with many things–has the potential for good and bad. While it is a tool for recruitment and controlling victims, it has also given escape routes for fortunate survivors. Social media platforms like Snapchat allow for disappearing messages and pictures. In some cases, this has been used to communicate with outside forces that could help them escape their dire situation. 

How to Prevent, Things to Look For, And Sources to Use

Image of face made up of the words, "Don't Close Your Eyes To Human Trafficking" with blindfold covering eyes
Image 4: Artwork of face with a blindfold on for human trafficking awareness. Source: Yahoo Image.

College can be a stressful time for people. For the majority of students, it is their first time away from home. Each year, college gets more expensive, and with these added expenses comes added pressure and stress. It is in times like these that it can be especially tempting to turn to other means of financial and emotional support. 

It is incredibly important to be conscious of the things we post on our social media. It is even more detrimental that we are aware of online “friends” and whether or not they are using manipulation tactics. By being more aware of our and other people’s social media presence, bad situations can be avoided. Taking an active role in our community and spreading awareness are important ways to help in the fight against human trafficking. It can be as easy as sharing an article, donating to organizations that support survivors, keeping a lookout, and reporting strange ads, websites, or social media users. Human trafficking is one of the biggest stains on our society as humans. As advances in technology increase, so too do new methods of recruitment. It is imperative that social media platforms and websites that advertise connection with other people have better preventative systems in place.  

A source to report human trafficking is the Homeland Security Investigations (HSI) Tip Line. If you want more information on safety tips, check out the National Human Trafficking Hotline. There are many organizations that dedicate their resources and time to helping trafficked survivors. The WellHouse is one of those organizations that provides survivors support and a chance to reintegrate into society. At this organization, survivors are given structured support on their healing journey, opportunities to further education, and encouraged to pursue personal interests. The WellHouse has a shop where you can help support survivors by buying handmade jewelry. If you would like to donate, support through purchasing at their shop, or volunteer, check out the WellHouse. 

Syria: An Update on the Current Crisis

Syria has been home to numerous atrocities over the past few decades, making it an important country to monitor. Since 2011, the country has experienced the collapse of its society due to civil war. However, human rights abuses have existed prior, with the suppression of freedoms being carried out by the government. Not only has the country undergone a history of suppression and state-sanctioned terror campaigns, but the recent earthquakes hitting its Northern and Western territories in 2023 have worsened its humanitarian crisis, resulting in a bleak reality being subjugated upon the Syrian people. 

The Syrian flag stands above a war-destroyed town.
Image 1: Syrian Flag Stands Amidst Destruction. Source: Yahoo Images

Context

Throughout the 1970s, Syria experienced the rise of the Assad dynasty, as Hafez al-Assad declared himself president. During his reign, he used his power to crush civil liberties and freedoms, utilizing force and violence to do so. Hafez also altered the constitution, removing Islam as the state religion in exchange for a secular state. Though this choice was unpopular amongst his constituency, his dictatorial tendencies, along with extreme party loyalty, allowed him to silence the opposition. 

Basar al-Assad, Syria’s current leader and successor to his father Hafez, came to power in 2000. Though promising economic and social reform, he failed to provide meaningful change, and the policies that were implemented did nothing but increase inequality within the nation. Alongside these failed governmental measures, an extreme drought increased food prices and saw heightened migration into city centers, thus worsening unemployment. The poor and ignored policies, along with the economic and societal impacts of a five-year drought, caused governmental resentment among citizens as they were desperate for change. 

In March 2011, inspired by other Arab Spring movements, which occurred throughout North Africa and the Middle East, Syrian citizens mobilized, calling for regime change and an expansion of personal freedoms and liberties. Though peaceful, these demands were met with extreme violence on behalf of the Syrian government. Labeled as terrorists, the government implemented a “shoot-to-kill” policy on these protestors, with these commands carried out by military officials and paramilitary members. Some concessions were made in April, though not enough to appease protestors. As uprisings continued, so did government violence and pushback. The Syrian Army seized numerous cities, such as Daraa, where they killed hundreds of protestors, cut off water and power, and forced its citizens into starvation. In response, resistance militias began to form and fight against Syrian Army soldiers, unraveling throughout 2012 into a civil war. It later developed into a proxy war, as foreign governments, such as the United States and Russia, involved themselves in the conflict.

Human Rights Abuses

Many human rights abuses have been brought upon Syrian citizens, such as displacement, unlawful arrests, detention and killings, subjection to torture, sexual violence, and disproportional military attacks. Displacement has been one of the largest and most discussed issues that have occurred due to the civil war, with an estimated 12 million citizens forced to move, with six million remaining in the country and six million migrating to other countries like Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordan. There are many reasons for such migration, but a leading cause is military actions. The 2022 Syrian Network for Human Rights Report found that in 2022 alone, 75,000 people were forcibly moved due to either government or opposition hostility. Though relocating, approximately 70% of refugees still experience poverty and limited access to basic necessities. Syrian civilians also experience arbitrary arrests and detention, with victims commonly subjected to torture. The report also found a minimum of 2,221 cases of inappropriate arrests and signals that extortion could be a primary cause, as they tend to target previous prisoners and those receiving remittance payments. Relationships with political figures or activist leaders are another trend among victims. Civilian casualties frequently occur, with many the direct result of excessive use of force. However, deaths have also been caused by torture and medical negligence. While opposition groups do contribute to these numbers, a majority of the killings have been found to be the fault of the Syrian military. The civil war also led to an unprecedented rise in sexual violence, having some of the highest rates globally. While this impacts men as well, it’s important to note that women and children have been especially targeted. The Syrian military has also repeatedly used excessive force against civilian groups, including the deployment of chemical weapons, cluster bombs, and missiles. Though other human rights violations have occurred, this paragraph is meant to provide insight into some of the most prevalent and recurring forms of abuses.

A large group of Syrian refugees, including men, women, and children, flee a city after it was ruined by the war.
Image 2: Syrian Refugees Flee Demolished City. Source: Yahoo Images

Earthquake Impacts

The February 6, 2023, earthquakes, which primarily impacted Syria and Turkey, worsened the country’s ongoing battle with poverty and human rights struggles. These earthquakes led to the death of some 60,000 Syrian citizens and injured many more. Today, roughly 90% of the population lives below the poverty line. Within that, 50% are living in abject poverty, unable to attain proper food for survival. For reference, in 2010, only 1% of citizens experienced this level of poverty. Even for those outside this statistic, access to food, clean water, and shelter has been extremely limited and seen alongside a rise in violent crime and gender-based exploitation. These earthquakes also contributed to an economic crisis, triggering rampant inflation in the preceding years. The Syrian Center for Policy Research found that, in 2023, consumer prices doubled when compared to the previous year. Average wages have also declined. 

Accessing healthcare and treatment are also significant issues. The destruction of the civil war left more than half of the nation’s hospitals nonoperational, leaving injured citizens limited access to treatment. This is gravely concerning as roughly 14.9 million people require medical assistance for survival. For those seeking refuge in other countries, inequality and discrimination still exist, making care inaccessible even in countries with better health facilities. Furthermore, a majority of Syrians have lost the ability to return to their homeland, facing the complete destruction of their livelihoods. 

While the civil war resulted in the mass destruction of infrastructure and society, the earthquakes worsened the impacts of such decimation and created new economic issues that citizens were forced to endure. 

Buildings are destroyed in a Syrian city, leaving them unlivable.
Image 3: Ruined Buildings in the City of Homs. Source: Yahoo Images

Today

The Syrian civil war has reached somewhat of a stalemate. With the Syrian government controlling roughly 70% of the country’s territory, outright violence and wartime tactics have decreased. However, the regime remains repressive, regularly violating the human rights of its citizens. As for the near future, it seems unlikely that any peace agreements will be formally signed. It also appears that the current president will remain in power, with some regional powers questioning their opposition to al-Assad. 

While fighting has greatly decreased, Syria still faces major roadblocks to improvement. Surrounding conflict has interfered with recovery. The conflict in Gaza has carried into Syria, with Syrian civilians being subjects of numerous attacks likely initiated by Israel. The United Nations Human Rights Council Report on Syria writes how three separate air strikes have led to civilian deaths. Though no party has taken credit for these attacks, the report suspects they are carried out by the Israeli military. 

Another key issue is funding. Support for humanitarian aid programs in Syria has dried up, with organizations finding it difficult to raise appropriate funds. It was estimated that $5.3 billion was needed to assist Syria following the earthquakes; however, in 2023, the United Nations was only able to fund 37% of this target. This leaves a $3.38 billion funding gap. Foreign governments also deliver a considerable amount of aid, though it is unfortunately not enough to provide to all Syrians in need. Lacking necessary financing, some programs are forced to reduce their scope or shut down altogether. Earlier this year, UNICEF (United Nations International Children’s Fund) ended water deliveries to certain refugee camps due to a lack of financing. Without adequate funds, aid cannot be delivered to those in need. 

Regardless of its human rights abuses, the international community seems to be normalizing its relations with the Syrian government. Surrounding countries have begun to open diplomatic channels, and the United Arab Emirates has reopened its embassy. With the Assad dynasty continuing forward, it seems other countries are choosing to embrace this reality rather than continue rebelling against this brutal regime. 

Conclusion

Syria is facing a humanitarian crisis. The ongoing civil war, along with the destruction caused by the 2023 earthquakes, has led to a huge rise in poverty and displacement. Furthermore, citizens are subjected to excessive violence and inhumane treatment by their government and opposition groups. Though largely funded by humanitarian organizations, a lack of donations has dried up financing abilities, causing a huge gap between the required aid amount and what has been received. While there appears to be a stalemate, nothing signals that the situation within the country will improve in the near future. This is an urgent crisis. 

 

If able, consider donating to aid organizations:

UNCHR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees)

https://donate.unhcr.org/int/en/syria-emergency

Karam Foundation

https://www.karamfoundation.org/

Save the Children Organization

https://www.savethechildren.org/us/where-we-work/syria

IRUSA (Islamic Relief United States of America)

https://irusa.org/middle-east/syria/

 

The Battle of NGOs in Nicaragua: A Human Rights Crisis

Arbitrarily detained, beaten in prison, exiled, and stripped of their nationality has become a common experience for activists in Nicaragua. This is the case of Kevin Solís, who was arbitrarily detained twice; in 2018 for allegedly obstructing public services and carrying a firearm, and later in 2020 for alleged robbery and assault. The United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention determined there had been irregularities in the legal procedures of Kevin’s case, a violation of his legal rights, and a concerning threat to his rights to life and integrity. Along with Solís, another two hundred political prisoners were released in 2023, some of whose citizenship was later revoked. Nicaraguan president Daniel Ortega’s war against NGOs is rooted in his plan to crush opposition to his leadership and avoid responsibility for human rights violations.

But how did Nicaragua get to this point?

2018 was the start of a large and violent retaliation of the government against protestors. However, 5 years prior, discontent was already blooming in the Nicaraguan people’s hearts. The Nicaraguan Congress passed, on June 13, 2013, a law that affects the future livelihood of many communities, Law 840. The law deals with the development of infrastructure and free trade zones. As a result of this legal advancement, communities would be pushed out of their homes to accommodate ‘new and improved’ facilities. According to an Amnesty International report, Law 840 allows the government to authorize the construction of projects without consulting the communities that would be affected. Among those is Francisca Ramirez, whose community learned about a new project approved through Law 840 in a televised announcement by President Ortega. To their surprise, the president had sold the land they lived on to foreign investors for canal construction and subsequent amenities. Francisca and her community, along with other human rights activists, took their concerns to the streets to advocate for their rights and oppose the Canal. Yet, they were met with threats, harassment, and arrest.

Protests of 2018

Localized demonstrations in response to President Ortega’s actions continued until 2018 when large-scale protests exploded in the streets of Nicaragua. The Nicaraguan people responded negatively to the new changes the Ortega administration implemented to the social security and pension system. However, it wasn’t all about social security. Previously, widely censored media was combined with excessive use of force by police officers who were firing tear gas and rubber bullets at protestors. Hence, years of corruption and repression of peaceful protest made the population join the rally against the new social security measures. Human Rights Watch reported on the injured and death toll after initial protests, in which the Nicaraguan Red Cross claimed to have helped 435 injured people between April 18th and 25th, while the CIDH listed 212 people dead between April 19th and June 19th, 2018. In this same report, it is stated that Nicaraguan newspapers that spoke about the protests and the death toll were later impacted by the government’s agenda against media outlets that didn’t back up President Ortega. Independent and critical newspapers like El Nuevo Diario had been unable to access paper and supplies due to a blockade on imports imposed by the Ortega administration, said Carlos Fernando Chamorro, an exiled journalist and director of El Nuevo Diario. Chamorros’ exile follows the trend of journalists and communicators who have been imprisoned and forced to leave the country to speak against Ortega.

Daniel Ortega is sworn into Nicaragua’s leadership for his 4th presidential term.
Image 1: Daniel Ortega is sworn into Nicaragua’s leadership for his 4th presidential term. Source: Yahoo images

 

What does the Government have to say? 

The Ortega administration made several claims invoking laws that have increased monitoring, making NGOs’ work more difficult and giving the government grounds for forced dissolution. A legal framework was created to regulate organizations and individuals that receive foreign funding and utilize those funds to attempt to undermine the nation’s sovereignty and independence. Among some of the requirements, organizations need to present monthly reports of who their donors are or their source of income. For NGOs, this law means that whoever receives foreign funding or fails to report accurately would be stripped of their political personality. And this is exactly what happened. Invoking this framework, it was stated in an official release that the organizations had not complied with the law by reporting their finances, which also led to accusations based on money laundering laws.  

The pro-Ortega news outlet La Nueva Radio Ya called the 2018 protest a “coup” orchestrated by NGOs associated with organized crime and international organizations like the OEA (Organization of American States) and IACHR (Inter-American Commission on Human Rights) who want to push an imperialistic agenda into the Nicaraguan people. The article dismissed the reasons for the protests as well as the number of injured and dead protestors. Instead, it focuses on the number of police who were injured and killed, claiming there was never such an assault against the national police force, which in turn shows that the protests were not peaceful. Equally, it holds that the “failed coup” led to kidnappings, assaults, torture, murder, and a great impact on the jobs and the incomes of many families.

Nicaraguans protesting in 2018 after changes to the pension system.
Image 2: Nicaraguans protested in 2018 after changes to the pension system. Source: Yahoo images

 

NGOs have faced villainization and limitations of their funding and activities because they were thought to be too politically involved. Staying on trend with other democracies and post-soviet governments, after the events of 2018, Daniel Ortega’s administration escalated violations of free speech and freedom of assembly, starting a public crackdown on individuals and groups who spoke against his leadership. In addition to the medical associations, climate change, education, and more, one type of largely targeted NGO was religious. So far, clergy members have been imprisoned and exiled, catholic churches and universities have shut down, and the legal standing of charities has been revoked. On the last round of suspensions on August 19th, 2024, hundreds of the 1,500 NGOs were small faith groups whose property may be seized.  

Ronaldo Alvarez, a Nicaraguan bishop, put a target on his back after speaking on human rights issues and the retaliation of the government against religious organizations. He was under house arrest in his home and later at his parent’s house while he was investigated for inciting violence. The priest was later accused of “conspiracy against the government, carrying out hate acts, and damaging society.” Others, such as priest Oscar Benavídez, were indicted at the prosecutor’s office on unknown charges.

Daniel Ortega is sworn into Nicaragua’s leadership for his 4th presidential term.
Image 3: Bishop Ronaldo Alvarez. Source: Ramírez 22 nic, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons

 

Reactions of the International System and Future Implications 

The United Nations General Assembly released the resolution 49/3 calling for the protection of human rights in Nicaragua. The resolution includes requests for the Government to fully cooperate with the monitoring and reporting of human rights, including the free passage of human rights groups to assess the country’s conditions. The Inter-American Commission of Human Rights (IACHR) has also pronounced itself on the crimes against humanity perpetrated in the state and encouraged accountability for human rights violations. The press release cited the impactful reports it had filled on the closure of universities, crackdown of media outlets, and repression against Indigenous and Afro-descent who opposed the government. At the same time, the IACHR followed suit; the U.S. imposed sanctions and additional actions, such as visa restrictions on Nicaraguan officials who were involved in the imprisonment and violence against religious institutions and religious leaders. The international system is concerned with the violent developments in Nicaragua and the lack of accountability. However, the ability of international instruments to punish is limited, and without the cooperation of the rest of the international community, Nicaraguans won’t receive much outside help. 

 

No NGOs to advocate for the rights of the people they protect means there are no organizations with enough structure and funding that can help people in a situation where the oppressor is the state. These groups were able to provide individuals with resources and programs that the government didn’t or was unable to. Now, their access to the safe spaces NGOs create is rapidly crumbling down. The persecution of NGOs should be addressed by a large number of actors in the international system to apply pressure on the Ortega Administration and support Nicaraguans. Although the fate of Nicaraguan-based NGOs is uncertain, check out other organizations that survived the last wave of suspensions, like El Porvenir (The Future). 

A Culture of Shame and Regret: Exploring the Rise of Digital Sex Crimes in South Korea

“Private,” “a matter of female chastity,” “unimportant,” “shameful.” These tend to be the words showing the attitude towards survivors of sexual violence in South Korea; it’s what suppresses the voices of victims and perpetuates a culture of guilt and silent suffering. 

Many of South Korea’s societal institutions employ strong patriarchal norms to this day: current president Yoon Seok Yeol threatened to abolish the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family in 2022. The country’s judicial system has a historically lax approach to prosecuting offenders of sexual crimes. South Korean women report experiencing gender-based discrimination in the workplace at a rate three to four times higher than men. Other politicians have suggested that women are to blame for the increase in male suicide attempts.

These factors oftentimes make life for women in South Korea dangerous. In 2019, police data reported that women accounted for 98% of victims in cases of crimes against intimate partners. An analysis by Korea Women’s Hot Line found that at least one woman was killed or nearly killed by her male partner every 1.8 days that year.

Merely discussing the issue of gender inequality can be taboo or contentious. Anti-feminism is rampant, as some men believe that Korean society is gradually becoming misandrist in light of efforts to improve women’s rights over the past few decades. Danbi Hwang, a member of the feminist group Haeil, told NPR in 2022 that “Femi” (short for a feminist) is used derogatorily to label any person interested in women’s empowerment—being asked if you are a “Femi” is par with being asked if you are mentally ill.

Men protest on the streets of South Korea.
Image 1: Hundreds of South Korean men gathered in an anti-#MeToo rally, in 2018. Source: Getty Images

It’s unsurprising, then, that a culture that constantly silences and fails to account for the safety of its women, coupled with rapid advancements in technology and industrialization, has fused together to create something horrifying: digital sex crimes. 

A Longstanding History

Digital sex crimes are characterized by the illicit production and distribution of non-consensual, sexually explicit images online. South Korean women have been victims of this abuse in countless variations.  

Molka, which translates to hidden cameras, is an all-too-common mechanism for such offenses. Micro cameras are installed in public bathrooms and changing rooms, and the footage is uploaded online and spread through social networks like Tumblr and X. Sometimes, the footage is sold to websites that generate revenue by selling access to the illegally obtained material. Police data showed that molka crimes surged from 1,353 in 2011 to 6,470 in 2017. 

Yoon-Kim Ji-young of Konkuk University’s Institute of Body and Culture called it a “technologized version of male violence.” At 80%, most of the victims in molka cases are women, while in 2016, 98% of perpetrators were men. 

Women sitting together in a protest in Seoul, South Korea.
Image 2: Thousands of women gathered to protest molka crimes in 2018. Source: Yahoo Images

Over the years, the South Korean government has responded with several protective measures to combat the increase in digital sex crimes, especially following the protests of 70,000 women against the lack of justice for survivors. In 2018, the Korean Women’s Human Rights Promotion Agency opened the Digital Sexual Crime Victim Support Center under the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family. The center’s services include counseling, deletion of illicit material, and investigative and litigation support. 

Just a couple of years later, in March 2020, South Korean journalists revealed what would become known as the “Nth room.” The media discovered at least eight secret chatrooms on the popular messaging app Telegram, where members shared and watched sexually exploitative videos of women—many of whom were minors.  

Customers paid for access to the “Nth rooms,” with fees up to 1.5 million Korean won ($1,200). Korean police have reported that more than 60,000 people participated in these crimes. Because the Telegram server is located overseas, it’s harder for the police to track it, which enables the easier spread of non-consensual content. 

The original article by Hankyoreh that broke the news describes separate private chatrooms dedicated specifically to child sexual abuse materials, as well as ‘knowledge rooms’ that provided cautionary measures for members in the event of a criminal investigation. 

Cho Ju-bin was eventually arrested for being the mastermind behind the collective abuse. An article from The Korea Times published in April of that year stated that, at the time, no sentencing guidelines existed for digital sex crimes. But following this, the Sexual Violence Punishment law was updated to include sentencing for up to three years, or a fine of 30 million won ($22,261) for those who possess, purchase, store, and watch illegal sexual content. And on November 26th, 2020, Cho was sentenced to 40 years in prison. 

 AI and Worsening Crimes

The outrage surrounding the “Nth room” case and the Burning Sun scandal of the previous year should have put enough pressure on the South Korean police and government to ensure that large-scale, sexually exploitative crimes never occur again. But this year revealed another depraved way in which the combination of deep-rooted sexism and technology can damage the livelihoods of women: deepfake abuse. In the case of deepfake abuse, a real person’s face is combined with a sexually explicit body using artificial intelligence. 

Telegram is, once again, at the epicenter of the problem. Yet, for the very first time, the Korean National Police announced the launch of an investigation into the app following reports of hundreds of cases of deepfake sex crimes. This came shortly after the arrest of Telegram founder Pavel Durov on charges including the circulation of child abuse images, drug peddling, and the refusal to cooperate with authorities.  

What’s especially frightening about this brand of deepfakes is the acutely personal element: “mutual friend” channels on Telegram are dedicated to the creation of illicit images of women and girls, most often by people they know. Many rooms are targeted toward university students, while others exist solely for middle school and high schools.  

Even more disturbing is the nonchalance with which the crime is treated by the perpetrators. Deepfake abuse has become so common that they are essentially considered to be pranks. Two hundred ninety-seven cases were reported in the first seven months of the year, up by 180 from last year. Police reported that most of the accused were teenagers and people in their 20s. 

A college student told Hankyoreh, “I have to exercise caution whenever I do group projects with male students because a perpetrator could be lurking among them. Professors, security guards, all men on campus are people to be wary of.” 

The chatroom reveals understandably came as an unsettling but familiar shock—South Korean women and young girls now face the fear that any image they post online, no matter how innocuous, could be manipulated in the worst ways by people they should be able to trust. 

Authorities suggest exercising social media use with caution, but middle school students, in a statement obtained by Hankyoreh, voiced their dissatisfaction with such suggestions. They wrote, “While society and the press have made those suggestions out of concern, we’re fully aware that such measures, on their own, could never resolve this issue. We cannot rest easy until a fundamental solution is found.” 

The Fight Continues

On September 23rd of this year, over 6,000 women attended a protest organized by the Joint Action against Misogynistic Violence, a collaboration between six women’s universities in Seoul. Protestors expressed their collective anger toward systemic factors that leave women to suffer: an absence of proper legislation, lazy policework, and insufficient sentencing for convicts. 

“The government should strictly regulate the artificial intelligence industry to prevent unlawful image manipulation,” an anonymous protestor told The Korea Times, “Similar crimes will only stop when severe penalties are imposed on workplaces that fail to comply.” 

The rally made legislative waves—just days later, on September 26th, the South Korean National Assembly passed a law making it illegal to view or possess sexually exploitative deepfakes, with up to three years in prison for the offense. Another bill was passed to imprison individuals for the use of deepfakes to blackmail or coerce minors at a minimum of three and five years, respectively. Finally, the National Assembly also created legislation to facilitate the deletion of illicit material and provide support for the victims.  

Furthermore, the Korea Communications Standards Commission is setting up a 24-hour hotline for victims as well as doubling the personnel responsible for monitoring digital sex crimes. They plan to create a consultative body to enhance communication with social media to aid in deleting and blocking deepfake content. 

Progress is being made, but it doesn’t erase the harm of countless predators being let go with barely a slap on the wrist. Whether the police force and courts will now prioritize putting perpetrators behind bars has yet to be seen; history does not bode well for South Korean women, who will continue to struggle for an eventual future of protection and justice. 

The Aftermath of Hurricane Helene

In this image, people scramble to collect themselves as a storm hits
Image 1: People scrambling to collect themselves as a storm hits. Source: Yahoo Images

Overview of the Issue

A raft carries a crying girl as she desperately clings onto the last remaining threads of her former life; her puppy licks away her tears even as the rain replaces them. As the wind carries away her hoarse cries for her mother, a kind woman offers her a warm blanket and reassuring words.

This image depicts a girl sitting alone at the edge of the water
Image 2: This picture depicts a girl sitting alone at the edge of the water. Source: Yahoo Images

While this story is completely fictional, its core is based on reality. Due to Hurricane Helene, more than 375,000 households were displaced, and those were the lucky ones – the ones who survived. An AI-generated image currently circulating on the internet illustrates a girl in a raft holding her puppy and crying. It depicts the realities of many families that were impacted by Hurricane Helene. While the image itself is not real, thousands of people online are empathizing with it, claiming that they imagine the baby could be their own. 

Hurricane Helene made landfall on September 26, 2024, near Perry, Florida, as a powerful Category 4 storm with winds reaching 140 mph; it then moved into Georgia with continued Category 2 winds the following day. Helene caused widespread devastation, particularly through Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia. This led to severe flooding and significant landslides in the southern Appalachians, with wind damage and tornadoes reported in parts of the Carolinas. The overall impact included hundreds of fatalities, substantial property damage, power outages, and displacement of thousands of residents. The death toll exceeded 200, with many still unaccounted for as recovery efforts continue. The economic impact is estimated to be between $95 billion and $110 billion.

The Impact on Marginalized Communities

What this image doesn’t show is that not everyone is equally affected by these disasters. Natural disasters like Hurricane Helene have a disproportionate impact on marginalized communities due to pre-existing social, economic, and geographic vulnerabilities. These communities, including low-income groups, immigrants, people of color, and indigenous populations, frequently live in areas that are more susceptible to flooding, landslides, and other natural hazards due to less expensive land or poorer infrastructure. When disasters strike, the lack of resources such as savings, insurance, and access to emergency services makes recovery significantly more difficult. Additionally, disparities in disaster preparedness and access to information can hinder evacuation efforts, leaving these groups at higher risk of injury or death. Post-disaster, marginalized communities often face greater challenges in accessing relief aid, rebuilding homes, and recovering livelihoods, further exacerbating cycles of poverty and inequality. This uneven burden underscores the need for more equitable disaster preparedness and response strategies that address the specific needs of the most vulnerable populations​.

In addition to the challenges faced by marginalized groups during natural disasters, Spanish-speaking and immigrant communities in South Florida are particularly vulnerable. These populations often experience language barriers that prevent them from accessing crucial information about evacuation orders, emergency services, and disaster relief efforts. Many rely on informal networks, which may not always provide timely or comprehensive updates. This can lead to delays in taking protective measures, putting lives at risk.

This image displays the wreckage a hurricane can leave in its wake
Image 3: The photo above displays the wreckage a hurricane can leave in its wake. Source: Yahoo Images

The large immigrant population in South Florida, including many undocumented individuals, may hesitate to seek assistance due to fears of immigration enforcement. This fear can prevent them from accessing shelters or applying for federal aid programs, such as those offered by the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), despite being in dire need. Additionally, many immigrants work in sectors that are highly vulnerable to the economic impacts of disasters, such as agriculture, hospitality, and construction. The destruction of agricultural land and small businesses not only leads to a loss of income but also leaves these communities with limited options for recovery, as many lack the financial safety nets or legal protections afforded to other workers.

Furthermore, the weakening of infrastructure and social order during a disaster increases risks of violence, exploitation, and trafficking, which can be especially dangerous for undocumented individuals and those without strong social safety nets. Without strong social support systems or the ability to navigate the bureaucratic processes of disaster recovery, these groups may be more susceptible to labor exploitation or abuse in their efforts to rebuild. These compounded vulnerabilities highlight the urgent need for targeted disaster response efforts that consider the specific needs of non-English-speaking and immigrant communities. Effective response includes offering bilingual communication, ensuring that relief services are accessible to all, regardless of immigration status, and providing economic support to help rebuild livelihoods and restore stability. By addressing these gaps, relief efforts can better serve these at-risk populations and work towards more equitable disaster recovery.

What is Being Done on Site

Government efforts have been widespread in disaster relief. On October 2, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) launched a website to provide resources and information about the EPA’s efforts to assist communities affected by Hurricane Helene. The EPA’s Hurricane Helene website is updated with real-time information on response and recovery efforts for communities most at risk. Another resource is provided by FEMA. Individuals living in areas designated as presidentially declared disaster zones can apply for aid, which may cover temporary housing, home repairs, and other essential needs like medical care and transportation. FEMA also supports infrastructure repairs for communities, such as fixing roads and utilities, to restore access to critical services. These efforts aim to alleviate immediate hardships, promote recovery, and ensure that resources reach those most affected by the hurricane. To apply for assistance online, visit disasterassistance.gov.

Displayed is a flooded suburban neighborhood
Image 4: Depicted is a flooded suburban neighborhood. Source: Yahoo Images

The International Economic Development Council (IEDC) has been involved in coordinating international aid and economic recovery efforts in the aftermath of Hurricane Helene. Their role primarily includes facilitating the mobilization of funds and support from international donors to help rebuild critical infrastructure, restore economic stability, and support affected communities. This involves working closely with other global organizations and governments to ensure that economic relief is efficiently distributed and reaches the communities most in need.

The IEC’s efforts complement domestic recovery measures, such as those led by FEMA and other federal agencies, by focusing on broader economic recovery. This includes addressing disruptions in trade, ensuring the stability of financial markets, and providing support for small businesses and agricultural sectors that have suffered losses due to the hurricane. Their involvement helps to bolster the financial resources available for recovery, contributing to a more robust response to the economic challenges that follow such large-scale natural disasters.

In addition to government efforts, many humanitarian groups are also on-site to help with harm reduction. Private organizations such as Greater Good Charities have been on site and have already “deployed 48 truckloads of assistance, millions of dollars in aid, including food, water, hygiene products, and pet vaccines, with many more trucks of aid on the way.”

The above image shows hurricane victims being rescued on rafts by a humanitarian group. In the first raft, a family of 7 paddles to safety while behind it, the second raft holds 4 flood victims
Image 5: The above image shows hurricane victims being rescued by a humanitarian group. Source: Yahoo Images

The American Red Cross is actively involved in assisting people affected by Hurricane Helene through its reunification services. This support is particularly crucial for those separated from loved ones during evacuation and rescue efforts. The Red Cross’s assistance includes tools and resources to help individuals reconnect with family and friends who may have been displaced or gone missing due to the storm.

Their services involve a dedicated online platform where people can register themselves as “safe and well” or search for information on missing relatives. This system allows both evacuees and those searching for them to exchange information, offering a vital means of communication when traditional lines might be disrupted due to infrastructure damage. The Red Cross also collaborates with local shelters and emergency services to ensure displaced individuals are accounted for and can be reached by family members.

Some businesses have adapted their operations to focus on disaster relief in the aftermath of natural disasters. For example, National Coating Inc. shifted its services during Hurricane Helene to support communities affected by the storm by rescuing stranded families and providing supplies to unreachable locations. The CEO, Zeb Hadley, started these rescue missions when he discovered a baby was born right before Helene struck and was in an unreachable area. He personally flew his private helicopter for 60 hours searching for the trapped baby and its family, and he arrived just in time. Paramedics documented that the baby was blue upon arrival, and they were able to stabilize it with oxygen.

Companies like National Coating Inc. exemplify the true spirit of corporate responsibility. They step up in times of crisis, using their expertise and resources for relief work. This commitment enables them to supply specialized equipment, personnel, and services crucial for recovery efforts in disaster-stricken areas.

This trend of businesses reframing their services to contribute to disaster relief can significantly improve the speed and effectiveness of recovery efforts, especially when public and nonprofit resources are stretched thin. It reflects a broader effort where companies leverage their skills and infrastructure to support both immediate needs and longer-term rebuilding initiatives. Such efforts complement those of humanitarian organizations and government agencies, creating a more collaborative approach to disaster relief and recovery.​

Conclusion

In the wake of natural disasters like Hurricane Helene, marginalized communities face heightened vulnerabilities that can complicate their recovery and survival. Pre-existing economic and social inequalities, language barriers, and fear of seeking assistance make them more susceptible to prolonged displacement, loss of livelihoods, and even risks of exploitation and trafficking as social order deteriorates. As climate change worsens and the predicted severity of storms increases, this story is destined to repeat itself, and its impacts will be amplified. Addressing these disparities requires a concerted effort from government agencies, international organizations, businesses, and local relief efforts to ensure that disaster responses are inclusive and adequately address the specific needs of these vulnerable populations. Prioritizing equitable aid distribution and protection measures can help mitigate the adverse effects of disasters and support a more just recovery for all affected communities. 

The Death Penalty in the US: Legalized Murder?

On September 24, 2024, the state of Missouri executed an innocent Black man. Why did they kill him? 

Marcellus Williams was convicted and sentenced to death for murdering Felicia Gayle. There was no physical evidence linking Williams to her murder: fingerprints, footprints, hair, and DNA found at the crime scene did not match Williams. The only evidence against Williams was testimony from two witnesses whose accounts were inconsistent and unverifiable. Gayle’s family favored life imprisonment. The county prosecutor favored life imprisonment. Only Missouri’s Attorney General wanted Williams executed – and he got his wish. 

Williams was innocent of the crime for which he was executed. He never had a fair trial. The prosecution struck 6 of 7 Black jurors, one of whom was rejected “because he looked too much like Williams.” Missouri knew they were executing an innocent man – and they did it anyway. 

History of the Death Penalty in America 

Capital punishment has been a part of the American legal system since before the United States was a country. The first person executed in the British colonies was George Kendall, who was executed by firing squad for mutiny in 1608. By the early 1900s, public support for the death penalty was beginning to wane, and some states abolished the practice. 

Utilizing capital punishment was briefly illegal nationwide. The 1972 Supreme Court Decision Furman v. Georgia ruled that existing death penalty statutes were discriminatory and therefore unconstitutional. That lasted until 1976, when the Court ruled in Gregg v. Georgia that Georgia’s updated death penalty statute was constitutional, and executions resumed. Since 1976, 1,601 people have been executed. Today, only 21 states still have the death penalty, and only ten have executed people in the last decade. 

Methods for capital punishment have varied greatly over the last two centuries. Early in American history, the most common were firing squad and hanging. Over time, hangings have become associated with lynchings. Despite that history, in 2023, a Tennessee lawmaker proposed that “hanging by a tree” be used as an alternative method of execution in the state. In 1890, the first person was executed with the electric chair, which was the most common method for several decades until lethal injection became more popular after its first use in 1982.

A white room with a gurney with several thick straps used for restraining prisoners.
Image 1: A white room with a gurney and several thick straps was used to restrain prisoners. Source: Yahoo Images.

Lethal injection has faced challenges in recent years for a few reasons. Drug manufacturers do not want to be associated with homicide – and thus refuse to sell the required drugs to state governments – and medical professionals refuse to administer the medicines. Instead of medical professionals, correctional workers struggle to find veins and sometimes fail entirely, causing delayed executions. Roughly 3% of executions are botched, and people subjected to botched executions are disproportionately Black – 1/3 of executions nationwide are of Black prisoners, while 1/2 of botched executions are of Black prisoners. Even when not botched, lethal injections have been shown to be less humane than originally believed. The drugs used are painful and cause the lungs to fill with fluid – typically without proper anesthesia. 

Black prisoners are also treated differently immediately before they are executed. Jeff Hood, who has witnessed six executions – three of Black prisoners, three of white – told NPR, “I can definitely tell you that the restraints that I have seen on Black folk have been unquestionably tighter than the restraints that I have seen on white folk.” 

More recently, there has been controversy over a new execution method: nitrogen hypoxia. The state of Alabama has executed two people – Kenneth Smith and Alan Eugene Miller – by nitrogen hypoxia in the last year. The state had previously attempted to execute both Smith and Miller by lethal injection, but correctional workers were unable to place IV lines in either man over the course of several hours. There is another Institute of Human Rights blog post, published in the fall of 2023, that extensively details execution methods. 

Problems of the Death Penalty

Two of the most common reasons given for keeping the death penalty are deterrence and justice. Justice argues an eye for an eye – that, for some crimes, the only possible form of justice is death. That is a philosophical debate, and one I will not discuss today. Instead, I will focus on the effect of the death penalty on homicide rates – deterrence. Deterrence is the idea that the existence of the death penalty deters crime – it reasons that prospective murderers are logical people who will be less likely to kill others if it will result in their death. 

In 2012, the National Research Council conducted a literature review on studies examining any deterring effects executions – and the general presence of the death penalty – have on homicide rates. They concluded that studies had not yet demonstrated any effect capital punishment has on homicide rates and recommended that the “research… should not influence policy judgments about capital punishment.” 

One of the most powerful arguments used by death penalty abolitionists is about wrongful convictions. Someone who is sentenced to life in prison can be released if they are found innocent; that is not so with someone who is dead, such as Marcellus Williams. Wrongful convictions are common; for every eight executions in the United States since 1977, one person sentenced to death was exonerated. 82% of death penalty exonerations are due to official misconduct and 36% of death penalty sentences are overturned. 

Glynn Simmons was exonerated in December 2023 for a crime he did not commit. He spent 48 years in prison. The state knew when he was convicted in 1975 that Simmons was innocent; he was in Louisiana when the crime was committed in Oklahoma. Despite that, it took almost 50 years – 2/3 of Simmons’ life – for him to finally be exonerated. Imprisonment is reversible. Death is not.

A broken chain.
Image 2: A large broken chain. Source: Yahoo Images

What Can Be Changed? 

Activists have worked for decades to reform or eliminate the death penalty. Two organizations that have been involved in numerous exonerations are the Innocence Project and the Equal Justice Initiative. Both organizations provide legal aid to innocent prisoners. Other ways to support change include petitioning state and federal legislators to end or reform the death penalty.