Category: Asia

Japan’s Public Health Diplomacy: A Pillar for Advancing Global Human Rights

When thinking about Japan, remembrance of its rich history and culture may come to mind. However, unknown to most is Japan’s role on the global stage for public health diplomacy. Ranging from international development to research investments, Japan has contributed to the expansion of health as a fundamental right, as stated by Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Japan’s commitment to human rights is prominent through expanding global health equity, prioritizing universal access, improving technological innovation, and assisting with disaster relief.

Background of Japan’s Public Health Diplomacy

Public health diplomacy is the use of diplomatic channels and strategies to help address global health challenges. This ranges from the development of multilateral partnerships, domestic offices, funding opportunities, and more; with the main focus on addressing health issues, any avenue can be explored to address the nuances. The cultural foundation of Japan emphasizes its role as an international power; Japan’s ethos of wa, meaning harmony, and omotenashi, meaning hospitality, has further accelerated its role in space.

Japan’s emergence as a global health power began after World War II when it was developing its own healthcare infrastructure. In 1922, the Health Insurance Act was developed; this was in parallel to the German social insurance model that was managed jointly between employers and employees. In 1961, under this act, Japan finally achieved a universal healthcare system. This was done by developing the same fee schedules for all plans and requiring providers to maintain equity through contained costs. To further support underrepresented communities, subsidies were available for elderly people and children.

The strong domestic foundation developed by Japan opened up an opportunity for it to serve as a global leader as well. Since joining the WHO (World Health Organization) in 1956, it has contributed millions of dollars, giving over US$ 218 million in the 2020-2021 year to the WHO and US$ 50 million to the Contingency Fund for Emergencies; it has mobilized a lot of financial support, which has then supported humanitarian crisis in countries across the world.

 

Photo 1: Photo of Japan Medical Assistance Team jacket.Source: Flickr
Photo 1: Photo of Japan Medical Assistance Team jacket.
Source: Flickr

Japan’s Current Initiatives

With the successful implementation of universal health coverage, Japan has been a leader in mobilizing it in other countries. One way it has done so was through the 2017 UHC (Universal Healthcare) Forum in Tokyo. This forum, organized in collaboration with JICA (Japanese International Cooperation Agency), UNICEF (United Nations Children’s Fund), and the World Bank Group, discussed the urgency of making progress towards universal health coverage by engaging over 40 countries to motivate action towards equity for all communities. Beyond that of programmatic support, the World Bank-Japan Joint UHC Initiative has developed the analytics needed to contribute to the progress towards international UHC. This support has also been tried through bilateral collaborations; for example, Myanmar received around US$ 19 million in universal health coverage support from Japan, helping build its international health portfolio. With universal health coverage, health equities can be reduced across the globe.

Beyond that of universal health coverage, Japan has contributed to the development of valuable maternal and child health initiatives across the globe. Through programs and partnerships with entities like JICA, people can receive the training they need to support women and children who are systematically vulnerable communities. An example of their specific support is noted in Cambodia; by providing financial support and programmatic avenues, maternal mortality rates decreased significantly from the increased training for midwives and the improved clinics.

Even beyond that of the Asian continent, Japan has worked to develop programs in Africa to improve maternal health outcomes. An example of this is the Safe Motherhood program in Kenya. The program, developed in 1987, helped reduce maternal mortality by 50% in the country. Analyzing maternal and child healthcare is foundational to achieving gender equality and prioritizing sustainable development.

Japan is also strong in mobilizing support for disease relief and recovery assistance. The Japan Disaster Medical Assistance Teams have been trained to address domestic and international issues; rooted in Japan’s own history in disaster relief, their role on the global stage is prominent. For example, after the 2010 earthquake in Haiti, Japan provided over US$ 320 million in support that was mobilized as emergency assistance after the earthquake or in development assistance; this ranged from providing emergency relief goods, like jerry cans, to assisting with rehabilitating the water supply system. Another example is the US$ 500 million pledge to assist with the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami; the multilateral support to all impacted countries was integral to their redevelopment and solidified Japan’s role as a key actor in global health diplomacy, helping restore health services to ensure affected populations are able to come back to their normal health levels.

 

Photo 2: People lining around the Japanese Red Cross.Source: Flickr
Photo 2: People lining around the Japanese Red Cross.
Source: Flickr

Japan’s Model for Success

Japan is a leader in global health diplomacy and can share many insights with other nations and entities to improve their presence on the global stage as well. Despite domestic challenges of aging populations and criticisms for low refugee intake, their holistic approach is a strong suit. By combining technological innovations, hospitality, and multilateralism, they have been able to provide culturally sensitive care to countries around the world. As they contribute to work in health diplomacy, it is valuable to underline all efforts with the continued advocacy for health as a fundamental human right, addressing challenges that might exist proactively. By working to play their role, Japan has improved not only the health but the lives of millions of people across the world.

 

Pro-Democracy Activist Jimmy Lai’s Case and The History of Hong Kong

A man standing in front of Hong Kong protesters pointing out.
Image 1: A man standing in front of Hong Kong protesters pointing up to the sky. Source: Yahoo Image.

In recent years, many freedoms of Hong Kong citizens have been stripped away. Once a British colony now under the rule of Beijing, legislation has restricted the voice of its journalists and activists. 

Critiques of the Hong Kong and Chinese government are met with an iron fist. New laws such as the National Security Law and Article 23 law have limited what can and cannot be said in public and media. Consequently, activist such as Jimmy Lai have fallen victim to these new laws. 

Historical Background of Hong Kong, The National Security Law, and Article 23

Protesters in Hong Kong
Image 2: Protesters in Hong Kong. Source: Yahoo Image.

Britain acquired Hong Kong after the first Opium War with China, under the Treaty of Nanjing 1842. Negotiations of Hong Kong took place in 1984, with the signing of the Joint Declaration. In 1990, the Basic Law was completed which served as a mini-constitution for Hong Kong. The former British Colony was officially turned back over to the People’s Republic of China on July 1, 1997. 

Beijing had promised Hong Kong a “One Country, Two Systems” rule and to continue their political practices for 50 more years.  However, after an economic crisis in Hong Kong, Beijing sought to implement strict regulations in 2003. The National Security Law was proposed to be added to the Basic Law, but half a million Hong Kong citizens marched in protest. The bill was unable to be passed due to the pushback. 

Despite citizens’ displeasure with the proposal in 2003, 17 years later, the National Security Law was put into place. This has heavily restricted many freedoms that people in Hong Kong partook in previously. The crackdown of this law came in the form of dozens of activists being arrested. In recent years, the recognition of the Tiananmen Square Massacre has been censored. With that, people are no longer permitted to hold vigils in memory of those who died during the protest. Beijing has frequently been exercising their authority to interpret the Basic Law in Hong Kong.   

The Basic Laws are similar to a mini-constitution for Hong Kong. The Nationals Security Law (NSL) was passed in 2020. This heavily restricts Hong Konger’s rights to protests and freedom of speech and expression. Because of this new law, the Hong Kong government was able to pass Article 23. This article, officially called Safeguarding National Security Ordinance, creates new offenses, heavier prison sentences, and stronger enforcement for violations of national security. The law adopts mainland China’s definition of “State security threats” and “State secrets” which encompasses almost anything. The law is up for interpretation, but only the interpretation of the Hong Kong government and Beijing.  

Who is Jimmy Lai? What is he charged with?

Jimmy Lai standing with police officer holding his arm.
Image 3: Jimmy Lai standing with police officer holding his arm. Source: Yahoo Image.

Jimmy Lai first came to Hong Kong in 1961 at the age of 12. After having fled from Communist China, Lai had arrived at a colonized Hong Kong. Because of its national status at the time, he is considered a British National. As a child, Lai worked as a child laborer in a clothing factory, persevering  through years of working in harsh conditions. By 1981, Lai opened a chain clothing store called Giordano. Through this Jimmy Lai became extremely successful. 

As a result of the events at the Tiananmen Square Massacre, Lai began to dedicate his life to activism for human rights (see my blog post about China for an in-depth look into the Tiananmen Square Massacre and its influence on activists in Hong Kong and China). In 1995, he opened a newspaper called Apple Daily. Frequently, this pro-democracy media outlet would criticize the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). 

On August 10, 2020, Jimmy Lai was arrested and in December 2020, he was charged with three counts of foreign collusion and one charge for sedition. For four years, Lai has been detained in the conditions that violate many human rights. According to Amnesty International, Lai has been subjected to solitary confinement and is allowed outside for less than an hour a day.  

Jimmy Lai’s international legal team has reported that Lai, a Catholic, has been denied his freedom to practice his religion. In an interview conducted by Nick Schifrin, International Human Rights Lawyer, Caoilfhionn Gallagher said, “He’s also a devout Roman Catholic being denied access to the sacrament of holy communion.” While his legal team continues to fight for his release, Gallagher emphasizes the imperative danger that Lai is in of losing his life.

Lai’s son, Sebastien Lai, also spoke out about his father. In the interview, he worries about the passing of his father while in prison. Sebastien said that his ultimate goal was to see his father out of prison before his death. Despite their best hopes the chances of the case against Jimmy Lai being dropped are slim. Sebastien reflects on the memory of his father, “My memory of my father is always of this man smiling, because he knew that, despite all of this, he was doing the right thing.” This quote summarizes the kind of person Jimmy Lai is. One that fights for his freedoms and the freedoms of the people around him. Lai had not hesitated, in any of the times he was released on bail, to continue to attend Tiananmen vigils and stand up for democracy and freedom of speech.

The Lai Trial and November 20th Resumption Update

Jimmy Lai in handcuffs being escorted.
Image 4: Jimmy Lai in handcuffs being escorted. Source: Yahoo Image.

The long awaited trial of pro-democracy advocate, Jimmy Lai, began on December 18, 2023. Lai had been held in custody awaiting his trial for over 1,000 days due to delays from Beijing over their interpretation of the national security law.  Beijing ultimately decided that Lai would not be allowed his choice of a British lawyer. 

A trial that was only supposed to last 80 days, ran until June 11, 2024. The court was unable to have the mid-trial submission until July 24-25. Since then, the court has been adjourned until November 20, 2024. 

In another case, Hong Kong rejected Jimmy Lai’s request for a jury trial in early October 2024. This was in response to Jimmy Lai bringing a case against Ta Kung Pao, a pro-Bejing newspaper, in November 2020. Ta Kung Pao had published defamatory statements regarding Lai in June 2020. In the article, Ta Kung Pao accused Lai of trying to escape and create chaos within Hong Kong. Unfortunately, Judge Queeny Au Yeung rejected Lai’s request, stating that the legal documents needed further in-depth examination.

The court case for the national security trial resumed on November 20 with the testimony of Lai. In the charges of collusion with foreign forces, Lai pleaded not guilty. Hong Kong’s Prosecutor Anthony Chau insisted that Lai was asking other countries, specifically the United States, to impose sanctions and encourage hostilities against Hong Kong and China. 

In his first court testimony, Lai stated that it was not his intention to manipulate foreign policy in the United States to be hostile towards China and Hong Kong. This was in response to the prosecution bringing forth evidence of Lai’s “collusion with foreign forces” in a meeting he had with Vice President Mike Pence and secretary of state Mike Pompeo during Donald J. Trump’s presidency in July 2019. 

Lai said that all he did was answer honestly of what was happening in Hong Kong when asked. In relation to his newspaper Apple Daily, Lai denies advocating for Hong Kong’s independence. He also reiterated that any conversations held with Officials from other countries were strictly professional. Lai further stated that the National Security Law would bring about the end of free speech in Hong Kong.

Conclusion: What is the international reaction? What can be done to help Lai and others?

The trial will continue throughout November while the rest of the world awaits the fate of Jimmy Lai. Amnesty International continues to call for the release of Jimmy Lai. Both the U.K. and the U.S. have criticized Beijing for the imprisonment of Lai. Beijing in response, has condemned the U.S. on its involvement with a “threat to the security of Hong Kong and China.” They have also stated that the U.K. should stay out of all legal processes. 

 “Support Jimmy Lai” is an online website that has been keeping track of Lai’s case. On the website they provide case updates and a timeline of Lai’s life. They ask people to show support by using the hashtag #FreeJimmyLai. If you would like to donate to the cause or for more information check out “Support Jimmy Lai.”

Karoshi: The Problems with Japan’s Work Culture

A colorful, busy street in Osaka, Japan.
Image 1: Dotonbori Street in Osaka, Japan, Source: Yahoo Images

Japan is famous for its blend of traditional and modern customs, rich culture, and revolutionized technologies. The country has drawn in millions of foreign nationals for its high quality of life, safety, and efficient public transport—but perhaps especially for its employment opportunities.

About 3% of Japan’s workforce consists of foreign workers, having quadrupled in the past 15 years to 2.05 million. On the other hand, Japan’s population has been shrinking, with a steadily declining birth rate and rapid aging. There are many proposed causes for this crisis, including dwindling marriage rates, but it is worth noting the socioeconomic pressures that stem from high living costs, unfavorable job prospects, and a rigid corporate environment.

The labor shortage that Japan faces poses a major threat to its economy—and its historically unforgiving work culture likely plays a big role.

Work Culture in Japan

Work is a highly valued aspect of life in Japan, and with it comes the concept of company loyalty. This can be demonstrated by working many hours overtime; these hours are expected and sometimes even contracted. According to data by Japan’s health ministry, 10.1% of men and 4.2% of women worked over sixty hours a week in 2022.

Tim Craig, a researcher of Japanese culture, said that there is a certain social pressure associated with working overtime hours: “If they go home early, then their colleagues will (a) look askance at them, and (b) have to work more to cover for them. Either way, it’s not a good feeling.”

While Japan’s 2018 Workstyle Reform Act outlawed working more than 45 hours of overtime in a single month, it’s not uncommon for companies to force their employees to hide their true working hours or for employees to even do so of their own accord.

Additionally, only 7% of companies give their employees the legally mandated one day off per week. Japan has been trying to push a four-day work week since 2021, but it will take much more to entirely dismantle the deep-rooted idea that employees must give all of themselves to their company in order to thrive—Panasonic, one of the country’s leading companies, offered the option to 63,000 employees, and only 150 opted in.

A man asleep in a chair in an empty subway stop.
Image 2: A man asleep in a subway station, Source: Yahoo Images

Some companies employ shady business practices, operating what lawyers and academics call a “bait-and-switch” policy: employers will advertise a seemingly normal full-time position with reasonable working hours. The prospective employee is then offered a non-regular contract with longer hours and no overtime pay. If the employee refuses the job, companies might tell them that they will be given regular contracts after around six months. Younger applicants and women are particularly vulnerable due to a lack of experience or settling while trying to re-enter the workforce.

Another common issue is power harassment, which a reported third of the workforce has experienced. This is a common form of workplace harassment that has garnered attention across the past several decades and specifically involves someone in a higher position of power bullying a lower-ranking employee.

In 2020, the Power Harassment Prevention Act took effect, which outlines six types of power harassment, requires companies to take proper action against allegations of harassment, and ensures that workers aren’t dismissed for submitting complaints. However, Nikkei Asia reported in 2021 that complaints about workplace abuse had climbed to 88,000 cases a year, more than tripling in the past 15 years.

While these circumstances are not specific to Japan, they have certainly contributed to a phenomenon that was first identified there: karoshi, or death by overworking.

The History of Karoshi

Karoshi was first recognized in the 1970s and is a sociomedical term used to refer to fatalities or disabilities caused by cardiovascular attacks that are ultimately work-related. This includes strokes, cardiac arrest, and myocardial infarctions. The International Labour Organization’s case study into the phenomenon outlines the following typical case of karoshi: “Mr. A worked at a major snack food processing company for as long as 110 hours a week (not a month) and died from a heart attack at the age of 34. His death was approved as work-related by the Labour Standards Office.”

Related to karoshi is karojisatsu, which is suicide from overwork and stressful working conditions. This issue became prominent in the late 1980s—an economic recession during that decade forced employees who had managed to keep their jobs to work harder for longer hours to compensate.

Factors like repetitive tasks, interpersonal conflicts, inadequate rewards, employment insecurity, inability to meet company goals, forced resignation, and bullying create a psychological burden that has led countless workers to take their own lives. Japan’s white paper report revealed that in 2022, 2,968 people died by suicide linked to karoshi, an increase from 1,935 in 2021.

Hiroshi Kawahito, a workplace accident lawyer, told the Pulitzer Center in 2023 that he has worked on around 1,000 cases of karoshi during a 45-year-period, and despite repeated efforts by the Japanese government to combat suicide rates, he has not identified a significant change in the number of cases.

A group of Japanese citizens protesting karoshi on a street in Tokyo.
Image 3: A “No More Karoshi” protest in Tokyo in 2018, Source: Yahoo Images

He did note two concerning shifts over the course of his career: that karoshi-related suicide has become more common than cardiovascular attack, and that about 20% of his cases are now women, as they have begun to enter the workforce and experience sexual harassment at an overwhelming rate compared to their male counterparts.

A recent case of Kawahito’s from September 2023 involves the suicide of a 25-year-old actress from the musical theater company Takarazuka Revue, who was overworked and bullied by senior members. She logged a total of 437 hours in the final month of her life, of which 277 were overtime.

According to Kawahito, the actress worked without any days off for a month and a half and barely slept more than a few hours a night. Two years earlier, she suffered burns when a senior member pressed a hair iron against her forehead and faced immense pressure from the company. Kawahito claimed that “excessive work and power harassment damaged her physical and mental health, leading to her suicide.”

Governmental Response

Suicide was considered a taboo topic in Japan for decades; families affected were left with no outlet to cope with their loss. However, in 2006, more than 100,000 signatures were collected to push for legislation on suicide prevention, which led to The Basic Act of Suicide Countermeasures that went into effect the same year.

This act takes a three-pronged approach: social systems, local cooperation, and personal support creating relevant laws like the Act on Mental Health and Welfare. It provides support via relevant agencies at local and community levels, including hotlines and consultation services.

In 2016, the Basic Act was amended to require all prefectures and municipalities to establish local suicide prevention plans based on regional data collected by the National Police Agency. The General Principles of the Basic Act are also updated every five years to reflect current trends in suicide data.

The Work Style Reform Act of 2018 aims to promote a healthier work environment, setting overtime limits and establishing paid annual leave, as well as offering free consulting services and subsidies from the labor ministry. This has motivated the push for the four-day workweek, part of the ministry’s “innovating how we work” campaign.

Change might happen slowly in a society where values surrounding dedication and sacrifice are so deeply ingrained in its working population, but it is happening; between 2006 and 2022, the suicide rate has fallen by more than 35%. Efforts by the government to deter karoshi and combat the falling birth rate are in full swing and hope for a better future in Japan is still on the horizon.

China: Violations of Freedom of Expression, Speech, and Peaceful Assembly

China's flag in front of the Great Wall of China.
Image 1: China’s flag in front of the Great Wall of China. Source: Yahoo Image.

Thousands of miles away, activists for basic human rights sit in prison cells. Most await punishments that far exceed the crime. In China, heavy prison sentences weigh on the shoulders of its brightest human rights activists, scholars, and lawyers. 

According to Amnesty International, freedom of expression and speech is having the right to say what you believe and to call for a better world. To express your freedom of speech is to be able to openly, and without consequences, critique those in power. The United Nations (UN) states that the right to peaceful assembly is the right to hold peaceful gatherings, sit-ins, rallies, and protests without fearing repercussions. 

Who are They? And What Does the Law Say?

Protesters in Qidong, China.
Image 2: Protesters in Qidong, China. Source: Yahoo Image.

Human rights lawyer, Ding Jiaxi, has been imprisoned since December 2019 for subversion of state power. Also arrested for subversion of state power was Xu Zhiyong, a legal scholar.

Ding Jiaxi and Xu Zhiyong are members of the New Citizens’ Movement, a group of activists dedicated to creating a better China. Xu and Ding co-created the movement back in 2012 in order to shed light on government corruption. After a meeting with the activist movement in December 2019 in a Chinese city called Xiamen, multiple members were arrested. As a result of their critique of the Chinese government’s handling of the coronavirus, Xue Zhiyong and Ding Jiaxi were charged with “subversion of state power.” Both have been imprisoned, with sources saying that they have been subjected to various forms of torture. 

By examining China’s laws regarding freedom of press and expression, a clearer understanding of the regulations that restrict the people of China is achieved. The State Council of the People’s Republic of China Article 5 states that the government must protect their citizens’ right to freedom of press so long as they do not criticize the basic principles of the constitution. Citizens must abide by certain regulations put into place of what they can and cannot publish. In support, Article 26 outlines specific regulations such as, no publication shall oppose basic principles and shall not endanger the unification, sovereignty and integrity of the State. 

How then, can a people that are restricted from criticizing their own government be considered free?  In 1989, Tiananmen Square became a testament to just how far the Chinese government was willing to go to suppress its citizens dissent. 

Tiananmen Square History and Influence of Chinese Activist

Man standing in front of military tanks.
Image 3: A  man standing in front of military tanks at Tiananmen Square. Source: Yahoo Image.

During the month of April, in 1989, a peaceful gathering to mourn Hu Yaobang, a liberal Communist Party member, took place in Beijing at Tiananmen Square. The gathering calmly turned into demonstrations that called for the abrupt end of corruption in the Chinese government. An estimated one million people joined in to peacefully protest their grievances. 

In response, Martial Law was enforced and thousands of troops were released upon the protesters. They opened fire on those gathered and plowed through the crowds with military tanks. To this day, the Chinese government refuses to release any new information regarding the massacre. This event is prohibited from being spoken about or commemorated in China and Hong Kong.  

The total number of deaths is unknown in China’s attempt to purge the memory of Tiananmen Square from history. The event is censored; families have been unable to mourn or acknowledge their loved ones. People are forced to forget, and the truth is neglected from the knowledge of a new generation.  

Zhou Fengsuo is the Executive Director of Human Rights in China and was also a student leader at the 1989 Tiananmen Square Massacre. What was supposed to be a peaceful demonstration turned into a horrific bloodbath. Zhou was there when his peers were shot down in front of him. His eyes are a witness to military tanks and tear gas being used as a means to end the uproar. In his testimony Zhou wrote, “The scene was that of a war zone; a war conducted by the CCP’s army against the Chinese people.” Zhou calls out on foreign governments to take a firmer stance on China’s violation of human rights. 

Activists Imprisonment of Chinese and Hong Kong Human Rights Activist

Large group of protesters at Hong Kong protest.
Image 4: Large group of protesters at Hong Kong protest. Source: Yahoo Image.

Xu Zhiyong writes in his book, A Beautiful China -Thirteen-The Citizens Movement, about his vision for China. In his writings, he talks of a better China; one that is accomplished through peaceful protest and nonviolence. He says, “We are all Chinese, and we will build a beautiful China together in the future.” Throughout his collection of twenty-four essays he repeatedly reiterates the importance of unity.  

To be a true citizen is to have basic rights. Xu writes that when they have the right to vote and to speak freely they will be true citizens. People that are free are ones that can openly and without fear criticize their governments. In A Beautiful China Xu says, “Amid the absurd, we stick to the truth; amidst evil, we hold fast to our conscience; in the darkness, we create light.” Many Chinese and Hong Kong activists are dedicated to changing their governments. 

After being handed over to China in 1997, Hong Kong was promised fifty years with their independent government. Halfway through their allotted time, Beijing implemented a law that gave them further influence in Hong Kong. As of 2020, the new law in Hong Kong, known as the National Security Law (NSL), was passed. This law has since then increased prison sentences and allowed for extreme censorship. 

Chow Hang-tung and Jimmy Lai are both Hong Kong activists. Jimmy Lai was arrested for “colluding with foreign forces” and sedition. His newspaper, Apple Daily, which advocated for human rights such as freedom of expression and speech, was later closed down in June 2021. He has been held in solitary confinement awaiting his trial to resume in November 2024. Lai is 76 years old and only gets around 50 minutes of time outside a day. Chow Hang-tung was arrested after attending a vigil for the Tiananmen Square Massacre. She was imprisoned for 22 months and faces possible imprisonment again for 10 years or more. The new National Security Law states that she was “inciting subversion.” She has also been subjected to solitary confinement. 

Chow Hang-tung, Ding Jiaxi, and Jimmy Lai have been considered by Amnesty International to be prisoners of conscience. A prisoner of conscience is someone imprisoned because of political, social, religious, or other personal beliefs. 

Conclusion: What is China’s Response? What is the Global Reaction?

The United Nation Human Rights Council accepted China’s report on their Human Rights achievement for the 56th Universal Periodic Review (UPR). While multiple activists remain imprisoned in solitary confinement, Chinese Daily flaunts the approval given to them for their advanced improvements in Human Rights by countries like Russia, Algeria, and Venezuela. Chinese Daily said,  “China welcomes and remains open to all constructive suggestions that are proposed in good faith to help it improve its human rights conditions.” This seems to be the case so long as the criticism and call for improvements, recognition, and change do not come from Chinese or Hong Kong citizens. 

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, continue to call for the release of activists Jimmy Lai, Chow Hang-tung, Ding Jiaxi, and Xu Zhiyong. Activists like Zhou Fengsuo, who has been advocating for change in China for many years, will continue the fight for human rights. It is through them that freedom will be achieved. 

 

The Awaiting Arrest Warrant of Bangladesh

Abu Sayed, a student studying English at the Begum Rokeya University, stood on the streets of Rangpur with his arms wide open on July 16, 2024. Although posing no threat, within seconds, the young man was shot in the chest by officers standing 15 meters in front of him. This was in addition to the tear gas and batons others around him were suffering. Despite being only in his mid-20s, Sayed became a martyr that afternoon. 

Events setting the stage for such open violence in Bangladesh began on July 1st, 2024, with peaceful protests by students against the Prime Minister, Sheikha Hasina, and in response to the government’s decades-old quota system. 

Why a Protest? 

Following the war granting Bangladesh independence from Pakistan in 1971, a quota system for highly valued jobs was created. This system not only claimed more than half of the civil service posts for particular social groups but also reserved the top 30% of the most sought-after positions for relatives of the 1971 veterans. Initially, this was a choice of goodwill with the intention to acknowledge and appreciate the freedom fighters who secured their nation. However, despise and anger of the system in the Bangladeshi students arose due to two factors. First, the country is going through incrementally increasing unemployment rates. With a population of over 170 million and a median age of 25.7, over 30 million Bangladeshi are unemployed, with the youth being the most impacted. Second, many of the political leaders of the nation are the relatives of the 1971 veterans. This includes the 76-year-old Prime Minister, Sheikha Hasina, daughter of the assassinated Sheikha Mujibur Rahman. Although she is considered the longest-serving female head of government, there have been multiple remarks that her rule has become increasingly authoritarian over time. In other words, this trade of unemployment so that wealthy elites can sustain their security and high income is why the quota system is actively being called out as discriminatory and favoring the political supporters of Hasina’s Awami League party. In combination with the youth’s frustration with inequality and injustice, peaceful protesting began on July 1st at the prestigious Dhaka University. 

Protestors standing and sitting in a group advocating against the quota system with flags, posters, and paint.
Image 1: Protestors standing and sitting in a group advocating against the quota system with flags, posters, and paint. | Source: Yahoo Images

The Escalation  

Initiating in Dhaka, protests with students holding posters and flags quickly spread like fire through cities across the nation. However, as the youth of the nation began to unite, they soon faced a dramatic escalation of violence within days. On July 15th, students inside Dhaka University were directly attacked by rods, clubs, and sighted revolvers by members of the Bangladeshi Chatra League (BCL), a wing of the Awami League party. The following day, Abu Sayed was shot to death in the streets of Rangpur.  

A row of Bangladeshi police officers holding batons, their helmets, and shields.
Image 2: A row of Bangladeshi police officers holding batons, their helmets, and shields. | Source: Yahoo Images

A protestor in Dhaka, Hassan Abdullah, stated in a CNN interview, “The police are constantly bursting sound grenades right now.” Such grenades being thrown, shots being fired, and tear gas attacks quickly became a daily norm on the streets for weeks. There are even accounts of hospitalizations due to heads being smashed by officers.  

On July 18th, NetBlocks, an internet monitoring site, posted a confirmation of an almost complete internet shutdown throughout the country, in addition to efforts tampering with social media access and mobile data services. After July 18th, Bangladesh went entirely offline, blinding the world to the courses of action and violence occurring within. It is known, however, that the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), an anti-crime division of the Bangladeshi police, the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), a border security force, and the National Army were spread across the country alongside the alleged establishment of a shoot on sight curfew. A few days afterward, online restrictions were somewhat lifted, revealing over 200 deaths and thousands injured within a short span of 10 days.  

Since the escalation of events, in addition to the violence, many have also been arrested arbitrarily, with about 61,000 being accused in legal cases for protesting. Such open, brutal, and life-threatening violence with no remorse or apology continued into August. In fact, on August 4th alone, 91 people were killed, the highest death count within a single day in Bangladesh’s recent history, with hundreds more injured and/or hospitalized.  

As the only response to the frank harm and threat to her citizens, Sheikha Hasina initiated a judicial investigation of the matter as she encouraged the public to wait for the higher court to deliver a just decision.  

Resignation of Power 

After weeks of the determined protestors advocating for justice and the commotion that followed, on August 5th, Hasina resigned from her position and ended her dominance in the country’s politics. She is believed to have fled to a neighboring country in India, near Delhi.  

Within hours of the resignation, Mohammad Shahabuddin, Bangladesh’s President, released former Prime Minister and Hasina’s opposition rival, Khaleda Zia, who had been jailed for graft charges. Shahabuddin also proceeded to release all detained students captured for protesting the quota system. In addition, the curfew was lifted, a temporary government led by Muhammad Yunus was established, and new elections were intended to be held. 

Following Hasina’s departure, protestors continued committing aggressive acts. Furniture from the residency of Hasina was seen being carried out, police and government buildings were alit, and attempts to tear down the statue of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, father of Sheikha Hasina, were made. Such acts were done in celebration and to demand a new government that was not led by its military.

As of October 17th, the Bangladeshi International Crimes Tribunal has issued arrest warrants for 45 people, which includes Sheikha Hasina and other members of her cabinet. This is being done on the basis of Hasina presiding over the mass killings and inhumane crimes that occurred during the protests. As a result, Sheikha Hasina must appear before the court by the date of November 18th. 

Members of the protestors standing on top of a building to celebrate the end of the Hasina rule.
Image 3: Members of the protestors stood on top of a building to celebrate the end of the Hasina rule. | Source: Yahoo Images

Human Rights Matter

It is blatant that such treatment of individuals, as seen by the young Bangladeshi students, is inhumane and vicious. And so, there are certain factors in the situation worth bringing our attention to. Firstly, the unlawful use of force is being placed on protestors. The violent and lethal tactics accompanied by a range of weapons have led to hundreds dead and thousands injured. It is important to acknowledge that not only are these numbers but also living people being put through excruciating pains and grief physically and psychologically. Furthermore, Human Rights Watch has remarked that the excessive use of force by security personnel violates several international human rights standards, drawing widespread criticism from global human rights organizations. Another point is the arbitrary arrest of civilians in order to disrupt their ability to express and assemble. This was further pressed on by the internet restriction, which removed a major layer of protection for civilians. 

Sheikha Hasina giving a speech to the General Assembly of the UN dressed in a light blue sari.
Image 4: Sheikha Hasina gave a speech to the General Assembly of the UN dressed in a light blue sari. | Source: Yahoo Images

It is incredibly important to understand that the discussed situation is not solely relevant to Bangladesh; but rather to international affairs, as with all human rights matters. In fact, alongside the protesters in Bangladesh, smaller protests have already been held by international Bangladeshi students in New York, Melbourne, Sydney, and even Copenhagen. And so, not only is the world awaiting to see how Bangladesh’s unknown future forms, but also how the matter of human rights violation is dealt with by the Bangladeshi International Crimes Tribunal.  

As we wait for Hasina to determine if she will present herself before the court from a public perspective, we are able to consider a few choices of support. Join the movement by supporting organizations like Amnesty International, spreading awareness on social media, or writing to your local representatives to condemn the human rights abuses in Bangladesh. The ability of people to come together, even internationally, and make great differences is something that has always remained astounding.  

A Culture of Shame and Regret: Exploring the Rise of Digital Sex Crimes in South Korea

“Private,” “a matter of female chastity,” “unimportant,” “shameful.” These tend to be the words showing the attitude towards survivors of sexual violence in South Korea; it’s what suppresses the voices of victims and perpetuates a culture of guilt and silent suffering. 

Many of South Korea’s societal institutions employ strong patriarchal norms to this day: current president Yoon Seok Yeol threatened to abolish the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family in 2022. The country’s judicial system has a historically lax approach to prosecuting offenders of sexual crimes. South Korean women report experiencing gender-based discrimination in the workplace at a rate three to four times higher than men. Other politicians have suggested that women are to blame for the increase in male suicide attempts.

These factors oftentimes make life for women in South Korea dangerous. In 2019, police data reported that women accounted for 98% of victims in cases of crimes against intimate partners. An analysis by Korea Women’s Hot Line found that at least one woman was killed or nearly killed by her male partner every 1.8 days that year.

Merely discussing the issue of gender inequality can be taboo or contentious. Anti-feminism is rampant, as some men believe that Korean society is gradually becoming misandrist in light of efforts to improve women’s rights over the past few decades. Danbi Hwang, a member of the feminist group Haeil, told NPR in 2022 that “Femi” (short for a feminist) is used derogatorily to label any person interested in women’s empowerment—being asked if you are a “Femi” is par with being asked if you are mentally ill.

Men protest on the streets of South Korea.
Image 1: Hundreds of South Korean men gathered in an anti-#MeToo rally, in 2018. Source: Getty Images

It’s unsurprising, then, that a culture that constantly silences and fails to account for the safety of its women, coupled with rapid advancements in technology and industrialization, has fused together to create something horrifying: digital sex crimes. 

A Longstanding History

Digital sex crimes are characterized by the illicit production and distribution of non-consensual, sexually explicit images online. South Korean women have been victims of this abuse in countless variations.  

Molka, which translates to hidden cameras, is an all-too-common mechanism for such offenses. Micro cameras are installed in public bathrooms and changing rooms, and the footage is uploaded online and spread through social networks like Tumblr and X. Sometimes, the footage is sold to websites that generate revenue by selling access to the illegally obtained material. Police data showed that molka crimes surged from 1,353 in 2011 to 6,470 in 2017. 

Yoon-Kim Ji-young of Konkuk University’s Institute of Body and Culture called it a “technologized version of male violence.” At 80%, most of the victims in molka cases are women, while in 2016, 98% of perpetrators were men. 

Women sitting together in a protest in Seoul, South Korea.
Image 2: Thousands of women gathered to protest molka crimes in 2018. Source: Yahoo Images

Over the years, the South Korean government has responded with several protective measures to combat the increase in digital sex crimes, especially following the protests of 70,000 women against the lack of justice for survivors. In 2018, the Korean Women’s Human Rights Promotion Agency opened the Digital Sexual Crime Victim Support Center under the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family. The center’s services include counseling, deletion of illicit material, and investigative and litigation support. 

Just a couple of years later, in March 2020, South Korean journalists revealed what would become known as the “Nth room.” The media discovered at least eight secret chatrooms on the popular messaging app Telegram, where members shared and watched sexually exploitative videos of women—many of whom were minors.  

Customers paid for access to the “Nth rooms,” with fees up to 1.5 million Korean won ($1,200). Korean police have reported that more than 60,000 people participated in these crimes. Because the Telegram server is located overseas, it’s harder for the police to track it, which enables the easier spread of non-consensual content. 

The original article by Hankyoreh that broke the news describes separate private chatrooms dedicated specifically to child sexual abuse materials, as well as ‘knowledge rooms’ that provided cautionary measures for members in the event of a criminal investigation. 

Cho Ju-bin was eventually arrested for being the mastermind behind the collective abuse. An article from The Korea Times published in April of that year stated that, at the time, no sentencing guidelines existed for digital sex crimes. But following this, the Sexual Violence Punishment law was updated to include sentencing for up to three years, or a fine of 30 million won ($22,261) for those who possess, purchase, store, and watch illegal sexual content. And on November 26th, 2020, Cho was sentenced to 40 years in prison. 

 AI and Worsening Crimes

The outrage surrounding the “Nth room” case and the Burning Sun scandal of the previous year should have put enough pressure on the South Korean police and government to ensure that large-scale, sexually exploitative crimes never occur again. But this year revealed another depraved way in which the combination of deep-rooted sexism and technology can damage the livelihoods of women: deepfake abuse. In the case of deepfake abuse, a real person’s face is combined with a sexually explicit body using artificial intelligence. 

Telegram is, once again, at the epicenter of the problem. Yet, for the very first time, the Korean National Police announced the launch of an investigation into the app following reports of hundreds of cases of deepfake sex crimes. This came shortly after the arrest of Telegram founder Pavel Durov on charges including the circulation of child abuse images, drug peddling, and the refusal to cooperate with authorities.  

What’s especially frightening about this brand of deepfakes is the acutely personal element: “mutual friend” channels on Telegram are dedicated to the creation of illicit images of women and girls, most often by people they know. Many rooms are targeted toward university students, while others exist solely for middle school and high schools.  

Even more disturbing is the nonchalance with which the crime is treated by the perpetrators. Deepfake abuse has become so common that they are essentially considered to be pranks. Two hundred ninety-seven cases were reported in the first seven months of the year, up by 180 from last year. Police reported that most of the accused were teenagers and people in their 20s. 

A college student told Hankyoreh, “I have to exercise caution whenever I do group projects with male students because a perpetrator could be lurking among them. Professors, security guards, all men on campus are people to be wary of.” 

The chatroom reveals understandably came as an unsettling but familiar shock—South Korean women and young girls now face the fear that any image they post online, no matter how innocuous, could be manipulated in the worst ways by people they should be able to trust. 

Authorities suggest exercising social media use with caution, but middle school students, in a statement obtained by Hankyoreh, voiced their dissatisfaction with such suggestions. They wrote, “While society and the press have made those suggestions out of concern, we’re fully aware that such measures, on their own, could never resolve this issue. We cannot rest easy until a fundamental solution is found.” 

The Fight Continues

On September 23rd of this year, over 6,000 women attended a protest organized by the Joint Action against Misogynistic Violence, a collaboration between six women’s universities in Seoul. Protestors expressed their collective anger toward systemic factors that leave women to suffer: an absence of proper legislation, lazy policework, and insufficient sentencing for convicts. 

“The government should strictly regulate the artificial intelligence industry to prevent unlawful image manipulation,” an anonymous protestor told The Korea Times, “Similar crimes will only stop when severe penalties are imposed on workplaces that fail to comply.” 

The rally made legislative waves—just days later, on September 26th, the South Korean National Assembly passed a law making it illegal to view or possess sexually exploitative deepfakes, with up to three years in prison for the offense. Another bill was passed to imprison individuals for the use of deepfakes to blackmail or coerce minors at a minimum of three and five years, respectively. Finally, the National Assembly also created legislation to facilitate the deletion of illicit material and provide support for the victims.  

Furthermore, the Korea Communications Standards Commission is setting up a 24-hour hotline for victims as well as doubling the personnel responsible for monitoring digital sex crimes. They plan to create a consultative body to enhance communication with social media to aid in deleting and blocking deepfake content. 

Progress is being made, but it doesn’t erase the harm of countless predators being let go with barely a slap on the wrist. Whether the police force and courts will now prioritize putting perpetrators behind bars has yet to be seen; history does not bode well for South Korean women, who will continue to struggle for an eventual future of protection and justice. 

Why the Death Penalty Won’t Stop Sexual Violence Against Women in South Asia—And Might Make It Worse

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Image 1. Women protesting Rape in India. Source: Yahoo Images

The death penalty as a form of punishment is seen as controversial across the globe. Primarily used in murder cases, it can be viewed as an archaic replacement of Hammurabi Code, an eye for an eye, which is why many oppose it. Proponents contest that this is a just, necessary deterrent for extremely violent crimes. They attest that it not only provides justice for the victims but also prevents criminals from committing murders. However, does that logic apply in real life? The government of West Bengal state government seems to agree after passing legislation allowing capital punishment for the offence of rape when it results in the victim’s death or leaves them in a vegetative state.

In India, this significant form of punishment for this kind of crime comes as a result of public outcry over the rape and murder of a 31-year-old postgraduate trainee doctor at Kolkata’s RG Kar Medical College and Hospital. This is not the first occurrence of punitive anti-rape legislation in India. Following the Nirbhaya case, a brutal gang rape of a young woman on a moving bus in Delhi, the nation was shocked to its core, and Parliament was expedient in passing Criminal Law (Amendment) Act in 2013 to allow the death penalty in rape cases. At face value, it seems like direct action is being taken to address sexual violence against women in India; however, conflicting reports from women’s rights groups and data on sexual violence against women prove otherwise. The death penalty for rape is far from an advancement in women’s rights, and it is actually a regressive step for women.

Death Penalty in Practice

There are currently 31 countries that enforce the death penalty for rape, especially in South Asia, in an attempt to mete out justice and protect women. This form of retributive justice is rooted in the patriarchal idea that “rape takes a woman’s life away,” essentially implying that a woman’s value is intrinsically tied to her sex. This sort of logic supports the death penalty for rape because it is protecting a woman’s dignity. However, this form of punishment does not actually protect women. Supreme Court advocate Shoumendu Mukherjee emphasizes that there is “no significant correlation between the imposition of the death penalty and a reduction in crime rates.” By increasing the barriers to reporting and perpetuating victim-centric stereotypes, the Advocates for Human Rights cite a study that shows “imposing the death penalty for rape can be more harmful to victims.”

 

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Image 2. Indian Supreme Court. Source: Yahoo Images

In the majority of rape cases, the woman knows her rapist. Adding the execution of someone she knows, perhaps a family member, friend, or coworker, to the punishment of rape further exacerbates the culture of silence and lack of willingness for women to speak up. With many rape cases, the most significant hurdle is getting victims to speak up. Many victims struggle with understanding what happened to them, so introducing the death penalty may discourage women from coming forward because they do not want to condemn someone close to them to death. Another consequence of capital punishment for rape is a backlog of rape cases to be filed and wrongful convictions—capital punishment for rape results in overburdening an already strained legal system. In order to systematically violence against women, the courts need a swift form of punishment. By heightening the punishment of these types of cases, the courts are delaying justice for the victims. Additionally, the pursuit of quick resolutions to satisfy public demand for justice can lead to rushed trials, which may undermine due process and increase the risk of wrongful convictions. Project 39-A conducted empirical research on the criminal justice system in India and found that convicts who are sentenced to death and who remain on death row are predominantly from poor and lower-caste communities, with little access to proper legal aid. Within the Indian legal system, public defenders are struggling to meet the requirements of this progressive law, and poor people are taking the blame for it. Before the court system passes progressive laws, it must enact reform within the present system so that this new legislation can be correctly put into practice.

What to Focus on Instead

Capital punishment exists in the Indian Penal Code, but studies have shown it is not an effective deterrent to violence against women. Madhya Pradesh had the highest number of death sentences awarded between 2016-2020 but remained one of the states with the highest number of rape cases in 2019. Additionally, women’s activists in India do not call on this type of reform and instead advocate for speedy trials, high conviction rates, and addressing systemic inequalities against women that lead to sexual violence against women. Kavita Krishnan, Secretary of the All India Progressive Women’s Association, argued that highly publicized executions of rape convicts result in more women being murdered to prevent them from surviving as witnesses. A 2021 study by Equality Now and Dignity Alliance International (DAI) found that rape survivors’ idea of justice does not include the death penalty.

The death penalty has been the center of a long-held debate; however, the idea that it is harmful is not a newfound discovery. Feminists in India maintain that capital punishment is dangerous for women and detracts attention from support services for women that encourage speaking up, counseling, and changing the current attitude towards women in society. This sentiment corroborates the 1977 US Supreme Court case, Coker v. Georgia, which argued that the death penalty for rape should be rejected as a remnant of an outdated, patriarchal system that treated women as the property of men requiring chivalric protection from men. This side has been around for a while, but it is now more relevant in terms of punishment for rape in South Asia.

 

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Image 3. Indian Women Protesting Rape. Source: Flickr

Recommendations to Consider

Various studies accounts from survivors, and women’s rights organizations all contend that the death penalty is not an effective deterrent to rape. The death penalty is a cruel form of retributive justice that barely has a positive impact on victims or crime punishment. According to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the death penalty is a violation of the right to life. Instead of severe punishment, South Asian governments need to adopt a victim-centered approach to addressing rape and sexual violence. These alternatives involve strengthening legal protections for victims, providing access to victim advocates, enhancing the integrity of the criminal justice system, and offering public education on sexual violence along with training for the judiciary. Recognizing that criminal trials may not always bring the desired outcomes for victims or their families is essential in moving toward abolition and reducing reliance on the criminal justice system—including the death penalty—as the sole means of delivering justice. By addressing these systemic issues, we can bring about real change in the Indian government for all women in the country. This is certainly not a new conversation for advocates of women’s rights, but it is a conversation that needs to happen in order to enact substantive change. This is the first step to a long road of reeducation, raising awareness, and reframing the narrative. By taking these necessary steps, we can significantly curb the effects of violence against women around the world.

An Analysis of Voting Rights and Infringements: Pakistan

Pakistan’s Political Landscape

 

Pakistan is a unique country amalgamating diverse ethnicities, religions, regional dynamics, and political ideologies. Upon independence from British Colonial rule in 1947, Pakistan had experienced periods of military dictatorships interspersed with democratic governance. 

The creation of Pakistan’s democratic foundation is accredited to President Ayub Khan. He worked to create the Elective Bodies Disqualification Order of 1959; this was created to help prevent “free-for-all” fighting among politicians, having a negative impact on the country. Through this order, the beginning of the democratic order began, with the increased role of the civil bureaucracy and increased central authority. This order did not come without criticism, especially from the lay citizens; through the order, individuals were not incentivized to participate democratically in the country’s politics.

Photo of Benazir Bhutto attending an election rally.
Photo of Benazir Bhutto attending an election rally. Source: Flickr

A Turning Point in Pakistan’s Democratic Framework

 

The trajectory of Bangladesh’s secession from Pakistan demonstrates the complex interplay of socio-political forces. General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan, succeeding Ayub Khan, led Pakistan’s military regime from 1969 to 1971 amidst a backdrop of enduring military rule, reflecting a nation grappling with its identity; this was very different from the approach Ayub Khan had taken. The 1970 general elections, a watershed moment, laid bare the fissures of regionalism and social discord, with the Awami League ‘s electoral triumph in East Pakistan highlighting demands for provincial autonomy. Meanwhile, in West Pakistan, the Pakistan People’s Party’s populist surge under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto reshaped the political landscape, overshadowing traditional Islamic parties; however, fears of East Pakistani dominance spurred a political conspiracy thwarting the Awami League’s ascension, triggering armed rebellion and Indian intervention, culminating in the birth of Bangladesh in 1971 amid the throes of conflict.

 

Modern Implications of Political Success

 

The subsequent democratic experiment, marked by Bhutto’s ascendancy and ousting under General Zia-ul-Haq’s military rule, underscored Pakistan’s struggle for stability. Bhutto’s governance failed to bridge the chasm between rhetoric and reality, highlighting the entrenched power dynamics between civilians and the military. Even with elections, Pakistan’s democratic fabric remained frayed, with presidents wielding disproportionate influence compared to that of the prime minister. Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif and their descendants oscillated between who would be in power; this tumultuous change, albeit frequent, perpetuated a cycle of disillusionment and distrust among its citizenry. As subsequent administrations navigated the murky waters of power politics, from the restoration of parliamentary supremacy to Musharraf’s coup, the quest for a stable, inclusive democracy persists amidst the crucible of Pakistan’s diverse socio-political landscape.

 

Photo of previous prime minister of Pakistan, Imran Khan.
Photo of the previous prime minister of Pakistan, Imran Khan. Source: Flickr

2024 Elections

 

The foundation laid by historical nuances resulted in a unique 2024 election for the country. It all started in 2018 when Imran Khan, leader of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), was elected as the prime minister of Pakistan; after four years, however, Imran Khan was removed by the political opposition in a no-confidence vote. This vote followed Khan’s perceived economic mismanagement of the country, as inflation was at an all-time high, and the Pakistani rupee was plummeting alongside foreign currency. In addition, his commentary on foreign affairs, especially alongside Russia-US and China-US relations, were clauses of removal. Shehbaz Sharif, leader of the Pakistan Muslim League (PML), was then sworn in. Shortly after his removal from office, Imran Khan was sentenced to prison on terms of corruption, followed by a lengthened sequence on suspicion of leaking state secrets. The turbulence superseded the 2024 general election and contributed to allegations of political rigging and delayed results.

Results started on February 8th, when polls opened, demonstrated that PTI had a majority vote; many candidates had to run independently, so when there was no clear majority party, it was assumed that PTI maintained the majority vote. This was echoed by the Election Commission of Pakistan as well. This, however, was not reported, which raised suspicions and alluded to manipulation and political interference by external entities; comments were also rescinded from the Election Commission of Pakistan, resulting in concerns about the true results.

Amidst the election, the apolitical role of division commissioners had come under scrutiny amid concerns over their potential influence on election proceedings; despite official assertions of their non-involvement, apprehensions arose due to the appointment of electoral officers from within the hierarchy below a commissioner, raising suspicions of undue interference. This likely contributed to the hypothesized widespread electoral malpractice this past election. Urgent calls for a thorough investigation were prominent to understand the turn of events.

Internationally, the Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN) reported widespread obstruction of election observers and candidates in accessing crucial tabulation processes, casting doubt on the integrity of electoral outcomes this past February. FAFEN’s appeal for meticulous scrutiny of contested constituencies using advanced analytical methods underscores the imperative of upholding electoral legitimacy, echoing similar demands from political stakeholders.

Human Right Implications

 

As seen with the 2024 election, speculations, potential interference, and lack of transparency prevent voter’s voices from being uplifted in the election process. Without protections of free, fair, and honest elections, individuals cannot participate democratically. As seen with Pakistan, a long history of concerns about election malpractice decreases trust in the government and current democratic systems. It is important for Pakistan and future leaders to address underlying challenges to help foster a culture of accountability and integrity, helping pave the way for a representative democracy that will upload the voices of its citizens.



Yemen in the News? Let’s Recap.

Picture showing buildings in Yemen on fire.
Air strikes hitting Yemen. Yahoo Images.

In the past couple of months, Yemen has been mentioned a lot. More specifically, the Houthis or, as some have called them, Ansarallah. You might be wondering first, “What is Yemen?” Why are they being talked about? Who are the Houthis/Ansarallah? How is Saudi Arabia involved? And where is the government? These are all questions that I heard many people around me ask. So, in this article, we will answer all these questions as well as explain Yemen’s situation and wars coming from a Yemeni American. 

HISTORY 

Before diving into the issues concerning Yemen, we have to cover some important history of Yemen to have a full understanding. Yemen’s history can stretch back 3000 years and the biggest evidence of that is the architecture of the villages and towns in it. Yemen had three successive civilizations: Minean, Sabaean, and Himyarite. 

Ancient Yemen played a crucial role in overland trade between Egypt, Mesopotamia, and the Mediterranean civilizations due to its strategic location. Pre-Islamic trading kingdoms, such as Minaean and Saba’, thrived on incense trade. The decline began with the Romans favoring the Red Sea, leading to the loss of wealth for southern Arabian kingdoms.

The rise of Islam in the 7th century saw Yemen’s rapid conversion. Muslim caliphs ruled, followed by local dynasties like Zaydi imamate and Rasulids. The Ottoman Empire took control in the 16th century, bringing Yemen under their rule. Despite a flourishing coffee trade, Yemen remained culturally isolated.

The 19th century marked the division of Yemen into North and South, controlled by the Ottomans and British, respectively. North Yemen faced opposition, leading to the Ottoman evacuation in 1918. Two powerful imams ruled North Yemen until the 1962 revolution, resulting in the establishment of the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR).

The YAR faced internal conflicts and external interventions, including support from Egypt and Saudi Arabia. A coup in 1974 led to military rule under Colonel Ibrahim al-Hamdi. His assassination in 1977 and subsequent leaders set the stage for the lengthy presidency of Ali Abdullah Saleh, who ruled North Yemen until its unification with South Yemen in 1990.

TIMELINE OF YEMEN’S CONFLICT

Yemen’s modern history is a tumultuous journey marked by political transitions, civil wars, and external interventions. Understanding the dynamics of this complex narrative is crucial, especially for students seeking clarity amid the intricate details. Let’s embark on a journey through the early years of Yemen, focusing on key events involving President Ali Abdullah Saleh and the Houthi rebels.

In the 1990s, Yemen underwent a significant transformation with the reunification of North and South Yemen. Ali Abdullah Saleh, the president of North Yemen since 1978, transitioned to become the president of the Republic of Yemen. Concurrently, the Zaidi-Shia group Ansar Allah, commonly known as the Houthis, gradually gained power, with President Saleh’s tacit support. A brief civil war erupted in 1994 between the unintegrated armies of the north and south, resulting in the defeat of the southern army and solidifying Yemen’s reunification.

In 2000, President Saleh reached a border demarcation agreement with Saudi Arabia, seeking to disarm the Houthis, whom he had previously considered a valuable tool against Saudi interference. Tensions escalated between Saleh’s government and the Houthis, leading to a rebellion in 2004 initiated by Hussein Badreddin al-Houthi.

The conflict unfolded in several phases, with government crackdowns, rebellions, ceasefires, and amnesty grants. Saleh’s government faced sporadic clashes with the Houthis, and in 2010, Operation Scorched Earth aimed to crush the rebellion. The Houthis, however, persisted, engaging in cross-border clashes with Saudi forces.

Inspired by the Arab Spring, Yemen experienced widespread demonstrations in 2011, calling for an end to Saleh’s 33-year rule. Despite initial concessions, the protests intensified, leading Saleh to agree to a Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)-brokered deal. However, clashes persisted until November 2011, when Saleh’s deputy, Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi, assumed power.

The National Dialogue Conference in 2014 laid the groundwork for a new constitution, and a political transition plan was approved. However, anti-government protests erupted, leading to the dissolution of President Hadi’s cabinet. In 2014, the Houthis seized control of Sanaa, and by early 2015, they took over the Yemeni government, prompting President Hadi to flee.

In response to Houthi advances, a Saudi-led coalition initiated Operation Decisive Storm in 2015, launching indiscriminate airstrikes and imposing a naval blockade. Despite subsequent efforts like Operation Restoring Hope, the conflict escalated, leading to a dire humanitarian crisis. Yemen became a battleground, but not for what is being told. One of those example is Al-Mahra. 

In the shadows of Yemen’s well-documented conflicts lies a lesser-known struggle for control in the easternmost governorate of Al-Mahra. While the global narrative often focuses on the Houthi rebellion and the Saudi-led coalition’s efforts, the intricate dynamics at play in Al-Mahra offer a unique perspective on regional power shifts and economic interests.

Since 2017, Al-Mahra residents have witnessed a gradual influx of Saudi troops, raising concerns and sparking anxiety among the local population. What initially seemed like a limited military presence evolved into a comprehensive campaign by Saudi Arabia to establish control over the governorate, extending its influence to the Omani border in the east.

The intensified Saudi presence in Al-Mahra, marked by establishing over 20 military bases and outposts, fueled speculations regarding the kingdom’s interest in constructing an oil pipeline. With a population of no more than 300,000, Al-Mahra became a battleground for what some believed was a strategic move to secure a pipeline route for Saudi crude oil to the Arabian Sea.

Leaked diplomatic cables from 2008 revealed Saudi Arabia’s longstanding interest in building a pipeline by securing territories and gaining the loyalty of local leaders. The Saudis went beyond military installations, recruiting Mahri locals and attempting to create their irregular military force. The transfer of Mahri tribes from Saudi Arabia to Al-Mahra further deepened suspicions, leading to clashes between Mahri tribes and Saudi engineering crews.

Saudi forces secured Nishtun port, raising suspicions that it could serve as the intended site for an oil export terminal. A leaked memo from 2018, thanking the Saudi ambassador for a feasibility study on an oil port, added fuel to the speculation. While not explicitly mentioning Al-Mahra, the memo heightened concerns and contributed to the belief that Saudi Arabia was preparing to extend an oil pipeline through Yemen.

 

Governaorates in Yemen
Governorates in Yemen.

Amidst these developments, skepticism arose, suggesting that Saudi deployments and tactics aimed to counter Oman’s influence in Al-Mahra. Tensions between Saudi Arabia and Oman, exacerbated by the Yemen war, saw Oman leveraging various factors, including granting citizenship and maintaining ties with Mahri political leaders, to resist Saudi influence. Publicly, Saudi Arabia claimed its troop deployments focused on combating Houthi arms smuggling.

Critics argue that the theory of a Saudi pipeline in Al-Mahra is implausible given Yemen’s entrenched political instability. Protecting a multi-billion dollar pipeline would pose significant challenges with ongoing conflicts, external pressures, and internal threats. Even before the 2011 uprising, reports suggested Yemen’s volatility made it unsuitable for such projects. Adding another layer to the complexity of this conflict. 

International outrage grew over the humanitarian crisis, and in 2018, the US Senate invoked the War Powers Resolution to end its support for the Saudi-led coalition. The Stockholm Agreement in December 2018 aimed for a ceasefire, but peace remained elusive.

In February 2021, President Biden announced a shift in the US approach, revoking the Houthi FTO designation and ending support for the Saudi-led coalition’s offensive operations. Efforts toward peace continued, with UN-mediated talks and a two-month truce declared in April 2022. 

NOW

Despite the recent peace agreement between the Houthi rebel group and the Saudi-led coalition, Yemen continues to make headlines due to the dire humanitarian situation and escalating conflicts. The so-called “peace” only involved the Houthi rebels and the coalition, leaving the rebel group in power and the Yemeni people still suffering. Let’s examines the recent events that have unfolded in Yemen, shedding light on the complexities of the situation.

By mid-2023, dissatisfaction with the Houthi rebels’ control began to rise among the Yemeni population. The rebels’ oppressive regime, characterized by restrictions on rights, exorbitant “protection” fees, and crippling economic conditions, fueled public discontent. However, the rebels cleverly diverted attention by exploiting the longstanding Yemeni support for Palestine. On December 9, the rebels announced their blockade of Israeli ships in the Red Sea, citing the ongoing situation in Gaza as the reason. This move united Yemenis, temporarily halting internal uprisings and garnering increased support for the rebel group.

In response to the rebel blockade, the US and UK coalitions initiated airstrikes on multiple Yemeni cities on January 11. The airstrikes were portrayed as retaliation for the rebels’ interference with ships due to the Gaza conflict. This military response effectively quashed any attempts at democracy, sparking anger and resentment among Yemenis who felt victimized by the international intervention.

The US-led coalition’s bombing campaign intensified, with the worst attack occurring on February 3. Many described it as more severe than previous assaults, even during the Saudi-led coalition’s offensive. The bombings targeted vital infrastructure, including one of Yemen’s international airports, resulting in halted flights, disrupted electricity, and widespread fear among the population.

Yemen, already grappling with eight years of conflict, faced an alarming humanitarian crisis. The World Food Programme (WFP) highlighted the unprecedented level of hunger, with 17 million Yemenis experiencing food insecurity. Child malnutrition rates were among the highest globally, and a significant portion of families lacked essential dietary elements. The WFP’s December 5 announcement of a pause in food distribution in the North due to funding shortages further worsened the situation.

UN Secretary-General António Guterres pleaded for de-escalation, urging all sides to avoid worsening the situation. Despite initial warnings and concerns expressed by global leaders, including President Joe Biden, the airstrikes persist, deepening the crisis in Yemen.

As Yemen grapples with the aftermath of international airstrikes, the fragile peace has shattered, leaving millions of Yemenis in an increasingly dire situation. The humanitarian crisis, exacerbated by disrupted food distribution and ongoing military actions, demands urgent attention and international cooperation to alleviate the suffering of the Yemeni people.

 

Marriage Trafficking in China Leads to Women in Chains

by Delisha Valacheril  

Image 1. Image of wedding rings caught in handcuffs. Source: Yahoo Images

Chinese vlogger captured a horrific, viral video of a woman chained outside to a hut in January of 2022. This woman was mentally incapacitated and had been without clean water, food, and electricity for an extended time. Xiao Huamei had been taken from her home province of Yunnan and sold to a farmer in Jiangsu for 5,000 yuan – or $790 at the time. She managed to escape him only to be sold into marriage trafficking two more times. The last time occurred in June 1998, when Dong Zhimin bought Xiao Huamei and subsequently tortured her, forced her to bear children, and subjected her to barbaric conditions. At the hands of Dong Zhimin, her husband, she was forced to have eight children in nine years, the firstborn in 1999. From when she was sold in 1998 to when she was found in 2022, Xiao Huamei had been a victim of marriage trafficking for 24 years. Claiming she had schizophrenia, Dong Zhimin subjected her to inhumane treatment, such as chaining her up outside like a dog. Dong Zhimin was sentenced to only nine years in prison. Sentences for trafficking crimes are typically capped at ten years. This spurred public outrage online because many felt the punishment did not fit the crime. Ten years is not even enough time to conceive and carry eight children. This case raised awareness about the lack of reforms for marriage and human trafficking.

Image 2. Young Girls in Myanmar who are victims of marriage trafficking. Source: Yahoo Images.

What is marriage trafficking?

Marriage trafficking is an international problem that continues to grow and must be handled domestically. It is defined by the transfer or receipt of a person; the means may include deception, threats, or coercion, and the purpose may be sexual exploitation and/or servitude. Cases like Xiao Huamei’s are not isolated to domestic women because foreign women are also exploited and sold to Chinese men to be abused and breed children. Traffickers target vulnerable young women and children in their country as well as neighboring countries. Women in Myanmar, Cambodia, and Vietnam who are trying to flee political unrest and economic instability are highly exploited in this situation. Vulnerable, job-seeking women are tricked into entering the arrangement through a broker that is offering well-paying jobs across the job, thus meeting the criteria for an overt act of marriage trafficking. Traffickers smuggle these women in using coercion, violence, and threats. The process used to transport these women also constitutes human trafficking.

The prevalence of trafficking in China is exacerbated by the lack of accountability among government officials. Chinese officials have allegedly turned down the appeals of women who have been trafficked, held them for extended periods, deported them without their children, and, in certain instances, returned them to their husbands in exchange for bribes. Chinese authorities rarely, if ever, pursue prosecutions against marriage trafficking charges. It is difficult to investigate due to the underground, illicit nature of marriage trafficking. In China, marriages between foreign-born women are not usually officially registered, which leads to their children being lost in the system.

The intent behind this industry is apparent from the illicit means used to facilitate the business. The purpose of the financial transaction of young women and children to Chinese men as brides is to uphold cultural values of marriage, family, and children. Based on sociological exchange theory, women enter the relationship expecting stability and support that is gained from marriage, while the men enter the relationship expecting a personal benefit that is gained from maintaining the cultural values of marriage. Most of the time, traffickers promise a better future to young women seeking to better their situation. This is not always the case, but it is the case of Xiao Huamei and foreign brides who are trafficked for marriage. While they migrate voluntarily, knowing that they are to be married, they are also often times deceived or trapped in their situations. Forcing these women into marriage means exerting power and control over them. The exploitation of vulnerable women and lack of individual freedoms constitute these cases as marriage trafficking.

What is responsible for this?

Given China’s longstanding one-child policy with a preference for boys, broader socioeconomic and political factors drive the marriage trafficking illicit market. Due to this, China experiences a gender imbalance, with about 35 million more males than females. The lack of eligible brides creates a demand for the marriage trafficking illicit market. An estimated 7,400 women and girls were victims of marriage trafficking in the Yunnan Province along the border, which is where Xiao Huamei was from. In rural areas, the proportion of women in society has declined. Among them, more than 5,000 females were compelled to bear children with their Chinese spouses. Bride trafficking in China constitutes human trafficking because there is an overt act, a thorough process, and an intentional purpose behind it. China, with its vast population and growing economic and regional disparities, experiences nearly every manifestation of marriage trafficking.

Image 3. China’s President Xi Jinping. Source: Yahoo Images

What is China’s response?

Under Chinese law, people face more fines for selling parakeets, a protected species, than for selling women. The government realizes there is an issue, and they have pledged to crack down on the illicit industry. Chinese police arrested more than 1,300 people suspected of assisting in marriage trafficking. However, women are still trafficked from Cambodia, Myanmar, and Vietnam. There needs to be safe passage for refugees from these countries so they do not fall victim to trafficking schemes. Despite past efforts, ongoing commitment is needed to fulfill these pledges and protect vulnerable individuals. To combat marriage trafficking, China needs to enforce stricter laws around forced marriage, childbearing, and immigration.

Victims of marriage trafficking were 6.5 times more likely to experience intimate partner violence compared to women in autonomous marriages. They are 4.7 times more likely to suffer a miscarriage or stillbirth and 4.6 times more likely to suffer the death of at least one child. There are many more women like Xiao Huamei. To protect them, there needs to be active, continued efforts to educate society about the harmful consequences of marriage trafficking. Coordinated programs with neighboring countries to address cross-border cases of marriage trafficking are essential. Providing social services at risk of being trafficked and offering safe entry into China will significantly impact the illicit economy. By addressing marriage trafficking through these comprehensive strategies, we can shape a world where everyone has the freedom to choose whom they marry and live a life free from coercion and violence.