Category: War/Peace

Satellite Images of Sudan: The Massacre of El-Fasher

Refugee camp for internally displaced persons, with poor living conditions, lack of water, hygiene, shelter and food.
image 1: Refugee camp for internally displace persons (IDPs). Source: Adobe Stock. By Miros. Asset ID: 541706476.

From far away, the tiny objects littering the grounds of El-Fasher, Sudan might not look like anything, slightly discolored; their white and red spots show a stark contrast to the once empty space captured by Satellite images a couple of days prior. Other images show burnt vehicles and dark spots outside of buildings. To the untrained eye, they might not look like much, but the images, collected on October 28, 2025, verify the ongoing massacre of the city, and the white and red discoloration, the bodies of those killed.  

Yale University’s Humanitarian Crisis research team has been collecting satellite images of Sudan throughout the civil war. Recent results found that 31 of the clusters from the satellite images were consistent with human remains. Communication within El Fasher has been extremely restricted since the invasion and mass killings by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Those who escaped report people being beaten, robbed, and killed in their pursuit to escape, with children witnessing their parents being gunned down. One of the most concerning factors, reported by Yale University, is the absence of movement within the city. 

The ongoing civil war in Sudan, which began in April 2023, has resulted in the destruction of cities, the death of thousands, and the starvation and displacement of millions. In my previous blog, Chlorine Warfare in Sudan’s Ongoing Humanitarian Crisis, the SAF’s use of chlorine gas was evaluated in relation to International Humanitarian Law, along with the humanitarian crisis in Sudan. With the recent massacre of El-Fasher, satellite images have further highlighted the devastation of the war. 

International Humanitarian Law outlines the protections of civilians, medical workers, civilian infrastructure, and hospitals. Violations of these are considered war crimes. Throughout the war, both the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Force (RSF) have violated International Humanitarian Law and committed war crimes. This blog will discuss the recent satellite images and the end to the 500-day siege of El-Fasher, which highlights the human rights and international humanitarian law violations that are occurring there.

The End of the 500 Day Siege and the Massacre of El-Fasher

Map of Sudan that shows the main conflict forces. Source: Adobe Stock. By Serhii. Asset ID: 817218906
Image 2: Map of Sudan: Main Conflict Forces. Source: Adobe Stock. By Serhii. Asset ID: 817218906

Darfur, a region located in west Sudan, holds El-Fasher, the capital of North Darfur. This region borders Chad, which has seen an influx in refugees since the start of the civil war. El-Fasher was the last major stronghold controlled by the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) in Darfur. On October 23, 2025, after the 500-day siege of El Fasher, RSF fighters targeted civilian homes; large scale execution, starvation, and sexual violence have ensued. 

Targeting civilians, civilian infrastructure, hospitals, medical workers, and humanitarian workers are all violations of International Humanitarian Law and constitute war crimes. There have also been reports of summary executions that specifically target certain ethnic groups. Summary killing means the execution of a person or people who are accused of a crime but have not been given a trial. 

In Tawila, a town close to El-Fasher, 652,000 displaced people are taking shelter. Since the RSF took control of El Fasher, hospitals, their patients and medical workers have been targeted. Reports state that in the Saudi Maternity Hospital, which is located in El-Fasher, patients were massacred, medics were attacked, and humanitarian workers were targeted. In this hospital, which had survived multiple bombings and continued to offer medical aid, close to 500 people were executed.

While the RSF have consistently committed atrocities against civilians and humanitarian aid workers, the SAF have also recklessly bombed areas, which has caused the death of civilians and reduced civilian infrastructure to rubble. The SAF has also contributed to the increase in sexual violence throughout the war, tortured people, desecrated bodies, and killed people without first giving them a trial. 

In Human Rights Watch’s report on Sudan, they stated that both the RSF and the SAF are complicit in blocking aid. Both sides have also knowingly targeted local first responders. Throughout the war, one thing has been apparent; both sides are willing to target civilians and commit war crimes in order to get what they want. This brutality has been dramatically apparent in El-Fasher, where there is disturbing evidence that a massacre is likely to have occurred there in recent weeks. 

Satellite Imaging Evidence

Peaceful protester holds sign representing Sudanese flag in front of his face. Source: Adobe Stock. By: Gérard Bottino. Assert ID#: 273049844.
Image 3: Peaceful protester holds sign representing Sudanese flag in front of his face. Source: Adobe Stock. By: Gérard Bottino. Assert ID#: 273049844.

There are many difficulties in gathering accurate information about ongoing atrocities, given the dangers of reporting from such areas and the challenges of communicating information from the affected areas to the outside world. Because of this, satellite imagery can be highly useful for producing real-time assessments of severe human rights abuses such as those being committed in El-Fasher. Throughout the end of October, 2025, Yale University observed and collected satellite imaging of El-Fasher, Sudan. In a side by side of two images, there are clusters of objects and ground discoloration. On October 27th, the viewer can see a group of objects with red and white discoloration around it. Just four days later, on October 31st, you can see the cluster on the ground, but the red and white discoloration have faded. This can be seen in Yale University’s Humanitarian Crisis Research Lab’s report on satellite imaging in El-Fasher, Sudan, on page 28. The report interprets this information as follows:

“Yale HRL assesses the fading of red discoloration as an additional data point corroborating its assessments that these discolorations are related to bodily fluid including red” (pg. 7, Yale School of Public Health: Humanitarian Research Lab). 

On page 29 of the report, you can see clusters of objects near and around the Al-Saudi Hospital, taken on October 28, 2025. In the images, white objects surround the outside walls of the hospital. These objects are not seen in satellite images that were taken of the area prior to October 28th, and they are not seen again in images taken on October 31st, see page 30. 

Yale HRL reports that its recent satellite images have not picked up any mass movement heading out of El-Fasher, even though the city was said to have an estimated 250,000 people living there. The lack of movement is suspicious, and Yale HRL interprets it as indicating “that the majority of civilians are dead, captured, or in hiding” (see page 3 of the report). In the absence of reliable communications from El-Fasher, this satellite imagery provides essential documentation of likely human rights abuses that can be used to inform the human rights community and spur people to action. 

Conclusion

In the weeks since RSF ransacked El-Fasher, around 100,00 people have escaped to nearby villages. The situation in Sudan continues to be critical, and the situation in El-Fasher, dire. There are still people trapped within the city, and little information has come out in regards to how many were killed by the RSF. 

The estimated number of people residing in El-Fasher before the conflict was 250,000, not including those taking refuge there. With only 100,000 people having been reported to have escaped, this leaves over half the population of El-Fasher unaccounted for. According to the reports, there has been little movement within the city, with the images of clusters and discolorations a testament to that. These indications that grave human rights abuses have recently been committed in El-Fasher should concern human rights defenders everywhere. 

Eyes on Catatumbo: Colombia’s Silent Humanitarian Crisis

In mid-January 2025, people living among rural hills and rivers of the Catatumbo subregion of Norte de Santander —along Colombia’s border with Venezuela— faced a drastic and sudden surge of violence. Rival armed groups clashed in a territorial battle that forced tens of thousands of men, women, and children to flee their homes in a matter of weeks. According to available estimates, more than 56,000 people were displaced during this outbreak. Entire communities were uprooted almost overnight. Families left behind crops, homes, and schools as they escaped through mountains, carrying little more than what they could hold. Some families traveled for days on foot, crossing rivers and unpaved trails, hoping to reach towns where humanitarian aid might be available. The journey itself was dangerous, exposing them to natural hazards, extreme weather, and the constant threat of encountering armed actors along the way.

The clashes also cut off humanitarian access, collapsing local health services and leaving thousands without food, shelter, or protection. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported that several municipalities, including El Tarra, Tibú, and Teorama, remain difficult to access even for aid convoys due to the presence of landmines and ongoing combat. These obstacles reveal not only the magnitude of the emergency but also the absence of a unified response strategy capable of addressing overlapping humanitarian, political, and security challenges. Medical teams attempting to bring vaccinations and essential medicines often have to reroute through alternative paths, delaying assistance to families in urgent need. Aid organizations have emphasized that the lack of reliable roads, combined with intermittent communications, hampers coordination and prevents the full scale of needs from being properly assessed.

Colombian army patrolling the streets, military forces on urban patrol in Colombia, soldiers securing the streets in Colombia, army troops conducting street patrol, Colombian military presence
Photo 1: Colombian army patrolling the streets. Source: Adobe Express. By: Alejandro. Asset ID# 1249540839.

A Conflict That Refuses to End

For many in Catatumbo, this is not a new story. The region has long been a zone of contestation, where fertile land, strategic routes, and a history of coca cultivation have drawn armed actors for decades. Despite multiple peace efforts, the Colombian government and the National Liberation Army (ELN) have failed to reach a lasting agreement, even after several rounds of talks in 2024 and early 2025. These breakdowns in dialogue have left a dangerous power vacuum, allowing the ELN and the dissident Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) fronts to consolidate control in certain areas and tighten their grip on communities. Negotiations, often mediated by international actors, faltered due to persistent mistrust, accusations of non-compliance, and ongoing attacks during ceasefire periods.

Without a credible peace accord or strong state presence, civilians remain trapped between armed factions. Extortion, forced recruitment, and targeted assassinations continue to define daily life. In municipalities like Tibú, local residents report that shops must pay protection fees to avoid being attacked, while teachers and health workers face direct threats if they refuse to comply with armed groups’ demands or resist recruitment campaigns targeting young people. The persistence of conflict is also tied to the strategic importance of Catatumbo’s geography; its dense forests, mountainous terrain, and border with Venezuela make it a natural corridor for smuggling, illegal mining, and drug trafficking. Both the ELN and FARC dissidents use this border to move arms and coca paste, while Venezuelan armed groups exploit the instability to expand their influence.

For local residents, peace talks that never materialize mean that promises of safety remain words on paper, while violence continues to dominate daily life. As one community leader told the newspaper El Espectador in February 2025, “We are living between two wars—the one that happens in the mountains and the one that happens in silence when no one comes to help us.” This sentiment is echoed across Catatumbo, reflecting the frustration and fear that residents endure as cycles of displacement and insecurity continue year after year.

When the Crisis Fades from View

Despite the urgency and scale of this crisis, national and international coverage faded quickly after the first wave of reports in January and February 2025. That silence matters. When forced displacement disappears from headlines, so do the people living it. This invisibility normalizes neglect, delays humanitarian responses, and weakens accountability.

Based on the most recent protection analysis report, by April more than 62,000 people had been displaced and an additional 27,000 confined in their homes, unable to move because of landmines or threats from armed groups. Yet beyond a few humanitarian updates, public attention dwindled. One reason lies in the geography and access issues of Catatumbo. Journalists and medical staff face severe restrictions: entering many rural zones requires permission from the military or local armed actors. Donor fatigue also plays a role: international organizations have limited budgets and often prioritize higher-visibility crises. As a result, funding for Colombia’s internal displacement response in regions like Catatumbo has lagged.

The invisibility of the crisis is not just informational, it is political.

A view of indigenous children from the Embera people, displaced by armed conflict.
Photo 2: A view of indigenous children from the Embera people, displaced by armed conflict. Source: UN Photo; by Mark Garten; Unique Identifier: UN7715269.

The Stakes: Life, Dignity, and the Fabric of Communities

When a family flees their home at night carrying only what they can, they are not just moving, they are losing a way of life. Land, livelihood, and community ties are abruptly severed. Among those displaced in Catatumbo, families are separated, elders lose access to medication, and children miss months of school. Young people face a heightened risk of recruitment or exploitation. Humanitarian workers warn that amid the chaos, gender-based violence, human trafficking, and child recruitment are on the rise. These are not isolated incidents; they are part of a broader pattern of rights violations that undermine communities’ social fabric.

This is not only a crisis of numbers—it is a crisis of rights and belonging. When the state cannot or will not guarantee protection, internal borders form. These lines are not drawn on maps, but rather through abandonment, neglect, and fear. Those living within these invisible borders are often left to face violence alone. The humanitarian system’s focus on immediate relief, without long-term strategies for restitution or reintegration, risks perpetuating these cycles of vulnerability.

Cúcuta: The Border City Bearing the Weight

The humanitarian fallout has spilled into Cúcuta, one of the largest cities in Norte de Santander and a key crossing point to Venezuela. As displaced families arrive seeking refuge, schools, shelters, and hospitals are overwhelmed. Local authorities struggle to register new arrivals and provide basic assistance. Many displaced people sleep in overcrowded houses or informal settlements near the border, where conditions are precarious. Limited job opportunities push most into informal labor or survival economies. Meanwhile, the influx of people has intensified pressure on already fragile public services, deepening social inequality and tensions in host communities.

Organizations like the International Rescue Committee (IRC) and Pastoral Social have set up temporary aid centers offering hygiene kits, psychosocial support, and legal counseling. However, these efforts often operate with minimal funding and no long-term sustainability. Teachers in Cúcuta’s public schools have reported overcrowded classrooms, with some hosting up to 50 students, many of them recently displaced or migrants from Venezuela. Children often struggle to keep up academically, while parents face pressure to find income quickly, forcing many into informal work that provides little security.

Human rights observers, including the ACT Alliance, the Norwegian Refugee Council, and UNHCR, have warned that unless there is sustained national support, Cúcuta and the surrounding municipalities could soon become the epicenter of a prolonged displacement emergency.The city’s local government has called for international coordination, urging Bogotá, UN agencies, and the Venezuelan authorities to establish a humanitarian corridor. However, bureaucratic obstacles and diplomatic tensions between the two countries have stalled progress. Even when aid is allowed, delays and limited resources prevent sustained coverage for both immediate relief and long-term recovery.

 

A view of a migrant tent
Photo 3: Migrant tent. Source: Adobe Express. By Andrea Izzotti. Asset ID# 128345640.

Documentation and the Demand for Accountability

In the midst of this crisis, documentation plays a crucial and often lifesaving role. Human rights groups, journalists, and even the survivors themselves aren’t simply keeping track of events; they are building a record that can shape humanitarian responses, inform policy, and hold perpetrators accountable in the future. Organizations like Human Rights Watch, the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), and the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) rely heavily on reports from the field to see what’s really happening, identify urgent needs, and spot patterns of abuse. They collect this information through interviews with displaced families, surveys in affected communities, and photographic or video evidence of destroyed homes, schools, and infrastructure. Each record isn’t just a statistic—it’s a voice, a story, and a testimony from people whose experiences are too often ignored or silenced.

For families, documentation gives words to experiences that are otherwise invisible. It allows survivors to describe what happened, who was affected, and who is responsible. Lists of victims, personal testimonies, and photographs are far more than records, they’re tools for protection, reparations, and accountability. Imagine a parent reporting that their teenage child has been forcibly recruited by an armed group; that report isn’t just a number in a database. It can trigger emergency protection measures, alert authorities to ongoing recruitment campaigns, and eventually inform broader policy changes. Photographs of destroyed homes, abandoned fields, or burned schools can serve as concrete evidence in legal and advocacy processes, ensuring that destruction and loss don’t go unnoticed.

But documentation on its own isn’t enough. In Catatumbo, the state is often absent, and political will is inconsistent at best. Armed groups operate with near impunity, while local authorities may lack the capacity, or the security, to act on reports of abuse. Without a platform to turn these records into action, documentation risks becoming a snapshot of suffering rather than a catalyst for change. This is why media attention, advocacy, and international solidarity are so essential. Without them, even the most thorough documentation can sit in databases without effecting any real-world impact.

The Colombian Truth Commission (CEV) has stressed that remembering is key to preventing repetition. Its final report highlights how collective memory plays a central role in breaking cycles of violence. But if testimonies simply sit in a database without leading to policy reforms or justice initiatives, then impunity continues, and survivors remain vulnerable. In other words, documentation must have a purpose: it must feed into action, whether through legal avenues, public policy, or protective measures.

Local communities have also taken matters into their own hands. Community radio stations like Voces del Catatumbo act as informal archives of survival. They broadcast updates, report abuses, and provide essential information about displacement, health, and security. These stations give residents a platform to be heard in real time and foster a sense of connection in a region where isolation is a constant threat. They are also a reminder that documentation isn’t just a bureaucratic process—it’s lived, community-driven work that can save lives.

A passenger truck travels on the road between Riohacha and Uribia on La Guajira peninsula, Colombia.
Photo 4: A passenger truck travels on the road between Riohacha and Uribia on La Guajira peninsula, Colombia. Source: UN Photo; by Gill Fickling; Unique Identifier: UN7386312.

What We Can Do as Readers, Citizens, and Advocates

Keeping eyes on Catatumbo is both a moral and political act. Sharing verified information, reading humanitarian updates, and amplifying local voices helps keep the crisis visible. International partners can support local organizations with funding and technical assistance, while citizens can call for greater accountability from their governments and international institutions.

We must hold two truths together: the urgency of humanitarian needs today, and the necessity of long-term justice and inclusion. Attention, when sustained and informed, can make a difference.

If we listen to the people of Catatumbo—and now those arriving in Cúcuta—we learn that rebuilding is not only about returning to what once was. It is about imagining what could be: a community whose safety, dignity, and memory are protected, not merely by the absence of conflict, but by the presence of justice.

 

Chlorine Warfare in Sudan’s Ongoing Humanitarian Crisis

Peaceful protester holds sign representing Sudanese flag in front of his face.
Image 1: Peaceful protester holds sign representing Sudanese flag in front of his face. Source: Adobe Stock. By: Gérard Bottino. Assert ID#: 273049844.

Gaseous chlorine is a yellow-greenish gas that, when inhaled, is extremely toxic and harmful to the body. It is a pulmonary irritant that burns conjunctiva, the throat, and the bronchial tree. In plain terms, it is a choking agent. When chlorine gas is inhaled, the respiratory tract is severely affected. The air sac in the lungs begins to secrete fluid, which causes a person to feel as if they are drowning. When used as a weapon, chlorine gas causes severe respiratory issues and, in extreme cases, death.

Recently, evidence has been brought forth in regards to Sudan’s military using chlorine gas as a weapon. The use of chlorine gas as a weapon goes against the Chemical Weapons Convention and is considered a war crime. Previously, at the end of 2024, a blog was written in relation to the civil war in Sudan by another blog writer. If you would like to read about the beginning of the war check out Delisha Valacheril’s blog post Civil War in Sudan: What is Happening and How to Help. This blog will address the Sudanese military’s use of chlorine gas amidst the humanitarian crisis and ongoing civil war in Sudan.

The Sudanese Military’s Use of Chlorine Gas:

Image 2: Sudanese soldier with assault rifle.
Image 2: Sudanese soldier with assault rifle. Source Adobe Stock. By: Bumble Dee. Asset ID#388763922.

On May 22, 2025, the U.S. Department of State released a press statement that determined that the Sudanese military had used chemical weapons in 2024 that were in violation of the Chemical and Biological Weapons Control and Warfare Elimination Act of 1991 (CBW Act). The statement neglected to detail which chemicals were used, and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) denied any such use of chemicals.

Since the U.S. Department of State’s press statement in May 2025, new evidence of the Sudanese military’s using chemical weapons has emerged. International news channel France 24 observed two incidents that occurred in September 2024, where the Sudanese Army was attempting to recapture al-Jaili oil refinery, which was then under Rapid Support Forces (RSF) control. In France 24’s investigation, they discovered that the chlorine canisters found around the oil refinery could only be carried by aircraft that the Sudanese military has exclusive access to.

Along with that, one of the oil barrels was imported from India by a Sudanese company that also supplies the Sudanese Army. The pictures and videos containing evidence of chlorine gas being used can be viewed in France 24’s report, linked here. In the pictures yellow-green clouds and large canisters with the remnant of a bright yellow chemical can be seen.

From a legal lens, all nations that ratify a convention or treaty are legally obligated to follow those regulations and rules. Violations of the Chemical Weapons Convention are considered war crimes and are potentially punishable in the International Criminal Court (ICC). Sudan ratified the Chemical Weapons Convention in 1999, meaning that the state is legally obligated to adhere to the agreed-upon terms of the convention.

Utilizing chlorine gas as a weapon is a violation of the Chemical Weapons Convention. As such, the use of chemicals by Sudan’s military is considered a war crime and, should the individuals responsible be identified, they could be punished in the International Criminal Court (ICC). This violation also goes against international humanitarian law, which seeks to decrease the effects of armed conflict and protects non-combatants. The deliberate use of chlorine gas, which affected not only RSF, but also civilians working at the oil refinery, emphasizes the growing danger in Sudan.

The Ongoing War in Sudan and Humanitarian Crisis:

Refugee camp full of people who took refuge due to insecurity and armed conflict.
Image 3: Refugee camp full of people who took refuge due to insecurity and armed conflict. Source: Adobe Stock. By: Miros. Asset ID#541706323

The ongoing war officially began April 15, 2023 when Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and RSF engaged in violent conflict, which both sides stated the other started. Prior to the war, tensions had been increasing between leadership of the SAF and RSF. Background on the conflict and leadership is available in the aforementioned blog post Civil War in Sudan: What is Happening and How to Help.

However, as far back as 2016, there have been reports of chemical weapons being used on people in Darfur, a remote area in Sudan. Amnesty International found evidence that these weapons had resulted in the injury and death of many Sudanese civilians. In September of 2016, Amnesty International reported that around 30 chemical attacks were used in remote areas within Darfur, Sudan. These attacks resulted in chemical injuries and painful deaths. The people most affected by these attacks were children. In interviews, Darfurian villagers talk about blistering skin and rashes amongst many other symptoms from chemical exposure.

The struggle of Sudan has been a largely silent affair, one that is often overlooked by the media and the rest of the world. The lack of coverage of this conflict happens in spite of the fact that Sudan is currently experiencing the world’s biggest humanitarian crisis since World War II. The fight for power between SAF and RSF has left many areas of Sudan completely destroyed. Families have been forced to flee their homes, crops have been decimated, and villages have been set ablaze.

Since the fighting began, an estimated 150,000 people have been killed, and another 14 million have been displaced. Due to the large influx of people fleeing the conflict, refugee camps in South Sudan, Ethiopia, and Chad have been filled past their capacity. Furthermore, because of the fighting between the Sudanese army and the RSF militia, close to 30 million people in Sudan need assistance in various forms, such as medical attention, food aid, housing, etc. On the border of Chad and Sudan, around 850,000 people are seeking refuge and aid.

Throughout the war, hospitals, schools, and homes have been targeted and destroyed. This is another violation of international humanitarian law, no matter which side targeted civilian infrastructure. With housing and hospitals continuing to be destroyed, food insecurity and malnutrition are steadily increasing.

Conclusion:

When chlorine gas is used, or any gaseous chemical for that matter, it does not discriminate in who is affected. It burns the lungs and restricts the breathing of anyone it touches: combatant, non-combatant, or children. The use of such weapons is in violation of the Chemical Weapons Convention and international humanitarian law. It is a war crime, and it is something that no person, least of all children, should experience.

The war in Sudan has been ongoing for over 2 years now. The people of Sudan continue to suffer, and the conflict shows little sign of ending soon. Moments like this underscore the urgent need for humanitarian aid and media attention.

Aid Interrupted: Gaza’s Famine and the Global Sumud Flotilla

Delivery of humanitarian aid by military helicopter. Source: Adobe Stock. By: photos_adil. Asset ID#: 322148549.
Image 1: Delivery of humanitarian aid by military helicopter. Source: Adobe Stock. By: photos_adil. Asset ID#: 322148549.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR)’s Article 25 and Article 22 state that every human has the right to live with dignity, have healthcare, and enjoy adequate living standards. Specifically, Article 25 affirms that all humans have the right to ample health, food, medical care, clothing, housing, etc. Similarly, Article 22 discusses how there are economic, social, and cultural rights for all people. 

In addition to the UDHR, International Humanitarian Law covers the protection of civilians, religious military personnel, medical personnel, injured soldiers, and prisoners of war. These people under the protection are to be treated humanely, even in combat. Along with that, hospitals, ambulances, and medical supplies are supposed to be protected. It is in violation of international humanitarian law to target civilian infrastructure. These laws apply to both sides, regardless of who started the conflict. 

All humans have the right to medical care, food, and water. These rights are explicitly discussed in the UDHR and protected under International Humanitarian Law. This blog will be examining the famine in Gaza and the restriction of humanitarian aid. The contents of this blog were researched and written prior to the ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas in the early part of October 2025. As such, this blog will only discuss the famine in Gaza, the Global Sumud Flotilla, and Israel’s block on humanitarian aid. 

The Famine in Gaza:

Palestinians gather to receive food from charity organization. Source: Adobe Stock. By: Tayiba Photography. Asset ID#: 1489429287.
Image 2: Palestinians gather to receive food from charity organization. Source: Adobe Stock. By: Tayiba Photography. Asset ID#: 1489429287.

The Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) completed a famine review on the Gaza strip in August 2025. The levels of famine are measured on a scale of 1-5, with each level increasing in severity. In the case of Gaza, three phases are relevant: phase 3, phase 4, and phase 5.  Phase 3 is considered a crisis, meaning households experience gaps in food consumption and high levels of malnutrition. Phase 4 is classified as an emergency; this means that households have significant gaps in food consumption, which causes high acute malnutrition and death. Phase 5 is considered a famine. This means that families lack basic needs and food, which have caused starvation, destitution, death, and devastating levels of acute malnutrition. 

In late August of 2025, the World Health Organization (WHO) officially declared a Famine in Gaza, and the IPC predicted that this famine would increase exponentially within two months. Furthermore, they anticipated that around 640,000 people would experience IPC Phase 5 starvation, 1.14 million people would experience IPC Phase 4, and close to 396,000 people would experience IPC Phase 3 of starvation. These figures not only reflect a humanitarian emergency, but a systemic denial of basic rights.

In order to be classified as a famine, three requirements have to be met: acute malnutrition, extreme food deprivation, and starvation related deaths. All three of these conditions have been met in Gaza. Severe acute malnutrition, as stated by the National Library of Medicine, includes the presence of both severe wasting and oedema on both feet. 

Severe wasting means that the weight to height ratio shows extreme weight loss and/or failure to gain weight. Oedema is a condition with hyperpigmentation and swelling within the feet, indicating an extreme lack of dietary protein. When applying pressure to feet that have oedema, a dent will remain after the pressure is lifted.

In July 2025, 39% of households in Gaza reported that they go multiple days without food, and 12,000 children were reported to be acutely malnourished. Additionally, drinking water in Gaza is extremely limited and sanitation services have decreased significantly. In response to the famine, the United Nation (UN) continues to call for a ceasefire with the release of hostages in order for much needed aid to enter Gaza. 

The Global Sumud Flotilla:

Palestinian flags on the flotillas from Barcelona. Source: Adobe Stock. By Roman. Asset ID#: 1739738944.
Image 3: Palestinian flags on the flotillas from Barcelona. Source: Adobe Stock. By: Roman. Asset ID#: 1739738944.

According to the Maritime Injury Center, nearly two-thirds of the ocean waters are international, with the areas surrounding nations split into different jurisdictions and territories. Each Nation with a coast has approximately 12 nautical miles of territory from its coast. Anything beyond the 12 nautical miles is considered international waters or the high seas. The respective nations’ laws are enforceable within and only within its 12 nautical miles. 

The Global Sumud Flotilla set sail from Barcelona on August 31, 2025. The flotilla consisted of around 50 ships, traveling with the intent to deliver critical humanitarian aid to the people of the Gaza strip. The ships carried food, medicine, baby formula, and other essential humanitarian supplies. Along with the aid, various activists from different countries were on board the ships. 

After weeks of journeying, the Global Sumud Flotilla was ultimately intercepted by Israel in the beginning of October 2025. It is estimated that the first ships were stopped around 70 nautical miles from the coastline of Gaza, further than the previously established 12-mile standard. The flotilla was halted in international waters, and the activists on board were taken into Israeli custody. Under International Humanitarian Law, humanitarian aid workers are protected, in which case the detainment and mistreatment of such people is a legal violation.

Amnesty International released statements on October 7, 2025, regarding the safety of the doctors, activists, human rights defenders, and journalists that were detained during the interception. They also reported that the detainment of members of the flotilla and the blocking of humanitarian aid was an international humanitarian law violation. Israel’s interception raises questions under both maritime and humanitarian law. 

Humanitarian Aid Blockade on Gaza:

Palestinian flag in front of buildings with black smoke and fire. Source: Adobe Stock. By: diy13. Asset ID#: 662345673.
Image 4: Palestinian flag in front of buildings with black smoke and fire. Source: Adobe Stock. By: diy13. Asset ID#: 662345673.

According to Human Rights Watch, Israel’s block on humanitarian aid from entering Gaza is in violation of International Humanitarian Law. Despite the fact that Israel is a warring party in opposition to Gaza, the nation is still required to allow humanitarian aid. 

Years earlier, in 2007, Israel implemented a naval blockade on the Gaza strip after they determined the area to be under Hamas’s control. Since then, they have placed sanctions and restrictions on what is and is not allowed in Gaza, which have varied throughout the years. After Hamas’s attack on October 7, 2023, which resulted in around 1,200 Israelis dead and 240 taken hostage, restrictions were strengthened. 

With the ongoing famine in the Gaza strip, humanitarian aid is essential to the survival of Gazan people, though the UN has reported an increase in restrictions and blocks on aid entering and moving within Gaza. While humanitarians have been able to distribute food to some people, it is not enough to sufficiently combat the famine. Aid movements within Gaza are being blocked, and the lack of consistency for inspection rules have created delays. 

Inconsistent inspections and outright blocks have only worsened the famine’s impact on the people of Gaza. As stated in International Humanitarian Law, a state has a legal obligation to allow the influx of humanitarian aid and blocking such aid is in violation of the law. 

Conclusion:

As of Monday, October 13, 2025, the ceasefire deal has resulted in the release of 20 Israeli hostages that were taken by Hamas in October 2023. Along with that, Palestinian detainees were released. Though the current ceasefire is fragile, there is hope that with the deal, critical humanitarian aid can enter Gaza. 

Without sufficient aid, medical care, food, water, and sanitation, the famine will continue to grow and more civilians will suffer. However, there is a small hope that with the ceasefire, Gazans will have more aid. Allowing humanitarian aid is a legal obligation. To deny and deprive people of such aid would be against the UDHR and in violation of International Humanitarian Law. 

UN Conference on Rohingya: Spotlight on a Forgotten People

The Rohingya, a stateless Muslim ethnic minority, have been the victims of a decades-long ethnic cleansing campaign. Their native country, Myanmar, does not recognize them as citizens; because of this, they are denied basic rights. In 2017, over 742,000 Rohingya were forcibly displaced to refugee camps in neighboring Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, following mass killings and attacks on their villages. More have been displaced after a 2021 military coup and subsequent civil war. 

The image depicts two women looking towards a shack in a Bangladesh refugee camp.
Image 1: Women in a refugee camp. Source: Adobe Stock.

UN’s High-Level Conference on Rohingya Muslims and Other Minorities in Myanmar 

On September 30, 2025, the UN held a conference on the Rohingya population, which hosted speakers including Rohingya leader Lucky Karim, the Bangladesh interim leader Muhammad Yunus, and Wai Wai Nu, the executive director of the Women’s Peace Network-Myanmar. Speakers urged the international community to take immediate action for the protection of the Rohingya people. The impacts of aid cuts, the necessity of sanctions on Myanmar, and the importance of immediate repatriation of Rohingya to their homeland were discussed. 

Background: A Long History, 2017 mass expulsion, and Ongoing Civil War 

Ethnic tensions between the Rohingya minority and the Buddhist majority ethnic groups existed long before the 2017 mass exodus of Rohingya to Bangladesh. In 1982, Myanmar’s government denied the Rohingyas’ status as an ethnic group, making them stateless. In 2017, following Rohingya militant attacks on police outposts, Myanmar’s troops and local mobs attacked and burned Rohingya villages, killing 6,700 Rohingya and perpetrating sexual violence on women and girls.  

Following these atrocities, cases were filed in the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on behalf of the Rohingya, which are still pending. Most Rohingya fled to Bangladesh as refugees, where over a million remain in refugee camps. 

In 2021, civil war broke out following a military coup in Myanmar. After years of an unsteady power-sharing agreement between the military and democratically elected leaders, the military declared the 2020 election, won by the National League for Democracy (NLD), illegitimate. Myriad forces opposed the military junta, forming pro-democracy coalitions and ethnic rebel militant groups, like the Arakan Army. 

The Arakan Army currently controls most of the Rakhine State and the Myanmar-Bangladesh border. Rohingya are caught in the middle of the civil war. Rohingya have reported massive restrictions on freedoms under the Arakan Army control, and other human rights abuses like extrajudicial killings and forced labor.  

The image depicts a run-down refugee camp in Bangladesh
Image 2: Rohingya refugee camp in Cox’s Bazaar, Bangladesh. Source: Adobe Stock.

Displacement in Bangladesh 

Over one million Rohingya now live in dire conditions in refugee camps in Bangladesh. They rely almost entirely on international humanitarian aid and are largely unable to find work. Bangladesh’s interim leader, Yunus, told the UN during the Conference that Bangladesh is “forced to bear huge financial, social and environmental costs” due to the refugee crisis. Following aid cuts, particularly those made by the Trump administration to USAID, non-emergency medical care and food resources provided by the World Food Program were drastically reduced, exacerbating an already grim situation. At the Conference, the US pledged $60 million to support Rohingya refugees while urging other governments and organizations to step up.  

Repatriation 

While the Bangladeshi government and the Rohingya themselves hope for repatriation back to Myanmar, the conditions are still too hostile for immediate return. Both the military junta and Arakan Army are accused of grave human rights abuses against Rohingya, and if the Rohingya returned, their situation might be even more dangerous than in the poorly funded Bangladeshi camps. A Human Rights Watch investigation revealed that the Arakan Army has committed widespread arson on Rohingya villages and stoked ethnic tensions by unlawfully recruiting Rohingya men and boys.  

Rohingya representatives at the UN Conference stated their need for international protection to make progress toward the Rohingyas’ return to Myanmar. Rofik Husson, Founder of the Arakan Youth Peace Network, reiterated the wish of Rohingyas to live in their “ancestral homeland with safety and security.” He added that the issue of Rohingya repatriation and safety is a “test for this Assembly and a test for humanity itself.” 

While the chances of repatriation to Myanmar remain slim, other actions must be taken to improve the situation of Rohingya refugees. Funding shortfalls, limited mobility, and a lack of formal education have cost the Rohingya their freedom and livelihoods.  

Conference Shortfalls, Outside Solutions 

UN Representative Statements: UN delegates from across the world offered different perspectives on the Rohingya situation, as outlined by the United Nations’ press release regarding the Conference. Myanmar’s delegate to the UN urged the international community to reject the military junta’s planned December election as illegitimate, stating that the military is the root of Myanmar’s crisis. The representative of Poland condemned the employment of advanced military technologies on civilians, while Türkiye’s representative urged Myanmar to comply with the International Court of Justice. China’s delegate warned against politicizing human rights and called for dialogue between Bangladesh and Myanmar. 

Few concrete commitments were made at the Conference for improving the Rohingyas’ situation, other than international aid offered by the US and UK, which still does not bridge the funding gap required to create decent and stable conditions within the Cox’s Bazar camps. The Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights organization suggested some solutions to the international community following the conference. These include: 

  • Reduce mobility restrictions to allow for development and reduce aid dependency within Cox’s Bazar camps 
  • Regional states recognize Rohingya as refugees and ensure refugees do not return to Myanmar under detrimental conditions (also called non-refoulement) 
  • Refer the Myanmar situation to the ICC while U.N. member states prosecute individual perpetrators under the principle of universal jurisdiction 
  • Impose an embargo on military supplies to Myanmar and reject the military junta as illegitimate 

Rohingya Perspectives on Their History and Future 

Perhaps the most powerful and illuminating moments from the Conference came from the Rohingya representatives themselves, however. The first Rohingya to attend New York University, Maung Sawyeddollah, emphasized the international community’s role in empowering the Rohingya community, particularly through higher education. He urged universities to give lifelines to Rohingya students, who lack access to formal education in refugee camps. “It’s not a big burden for a university to offer one or two scholarships to Rohingya students in an academic year,” Sawyeddollah stated. 

Lucky Karim recounted fleeing Myanmar in 2017 to Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, and then her return to the camp years later. She stressed that the genocide of the Rohingya is not an isolated event. It did not begin or end with the 2017 mass expulsion to Bangladesh, stating, “Rohingya have been refugees to Bangladesh numerous times, even before 2017, and we keep going back and forth to Myanmar, and it’s never been sustainable.”  

Karim spoke of the conditions she returned to earlier this year in Cox’s Bazar, where aid cuts shut down healthcare facilities, and new arrivals were forced to share already overcrowded shelters. Her hope is for a stable and permanent repatriation of Rohingya refugees to the Rakhine state.  

Despite the powerful statements from Rohingya leaders, some noted that no Rohingya who currently reside in the Cox’s Bazar camps were present at the Conference. Some officials cited logistical obstacles, but the Rohingya lamented that the voices of those within the camps were not heard. 

The image depicts a child playing on the fence of the Bangladesh refugee camp.
Image 3: Child climbs fence at refugee camp. Source: Adobe Stock.

Unanswered Questions and the International Community’s Role 

There is much to be done for Rohingya refugees and those still living in Myanmar. Converging crises prevent effective solutions, and the wider conflict within the region overshadows the Rohingyas’ plight. The UN Conference put an international spotlight on the situation of forgotten people; however, few tangible commitments were made at the Conference. To relieve the suffering of the Rohingya, substantial action should be taken to prevent widespread atrocities by the Myanmar military, and the international community should materially invest in Rohingya development, education, and opportunities.

Memory Against Forgetting: Families of Colombia’s Falsos Positivos Lead the Fight for Dignity

When we talk about justice, it’s tempting to think first of courtrooms, judges, and laws. But for many Colombians, especially the families of victims of falsos positivos, justice has been built not only in tribunals but in memory itself: in the photos carried to marches, the murals painted in neighborhoods, the names shouted at demonstrations, the rituals performed year after year so that forgetting is impossible.

Between 2002 and 2010, thousands of young men — mostly poor, often from rural or marginalized communities — were killed by members of Colombia’s military and falsely presented as guerrillas killed in combat. These extrajudicial executions, known as falsos positivos, were incentivized by a warped system that rewarded body counts with promotions, money, and leave time.

For the families of the deceased, the pain was double: they suffered not only the violent death of their children, brothers, or fathers, but also the stigma of being told these dead loved ones were “terrorists.” For decades, official narratives denied their innocence. In response, parents, siblings, and loved ones took on the role of guardians of memory.

Today, as Colombia’s Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) finally begins to hand down historic rulings against perpetrators, the country is reminded that these families’ insistence on remembrance is what made justice possible at all.

Sign that states mothers of Soacha and Bogota do not forget
Image 1: Sign “The mothers of Soacha and Bogota do not forget”. Source: Yahoo Images.

Memory as Resistance

In Colombia, the act of remembering has often been a political gesture. For mothers who lost their sons to falsos positivos, memory is more than grief: it is resistance against erasure.

One of the most emblematic groups is the Mothers of Soacha (Madres de Soacha). In 2008, dozens of women discovered their sons had been lured from Bogotá’s outskirts with promises of work, only to be killed hundreds of miles away and buried as guerrillas. For them, memory became a form of activism:

Photographs at protests: They carried enlarged portraits of their sons to public squares, confronting officials and society with faces that proved they were not anonymous guerrillas but young men with families, lives, and dreams.

Annual commemorations: Every year, they gather to honor the date of disappearance or death, keeping the stories alive in the community.

Murals and art: Walls in Soacha and beyond carry painted faces of the murdered youth, transforming public space into testimony.

This memorialization disrupts the state’s attempt to rewrite their deaths as a part of “combat.” It asserts: they lived, they were innocent, and they will not be forgotten.
Sign in favor of the Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz
Image 2: Sign in favor of the Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz. Source: Yahoo Images.
The Weight of Stigma

For families, memory is not only about honoring loved ones but also about countering stigma. Many recall being told by neighbors, even relatives, that their sons must have been guerrillas — why else would the army say so? The official record branded them criminals, compounding the loss with shame.

By publicly naming them, retelling their stories, and refusing silence, families reclaimed dignity. Memory became a way of restoring the humanity stripped away by both the bullets and the lies.

In that sense, memorialization is not passive. It is an active form of justice: refusing the false narrative, demanding truth, and forcing institutions to confront uncomfortable realities.

From Memory to Justice: Recent Developments

The persistence of families has borne fruit. This September (2025), the JEP issued its first substantive ruling on falsos positivos. Twelve ex-military officers from the Batallón La Popa were held responsible for 135 killings between 2002 and 2005. Instead of prison, their sentences include restorative projects: building memorials, contributing to truth-telling initiatives, and reparations.

For many families, the ruling is bittersweet. On one hand, it is the first time the state has officially recognized that their loved ones were not guerrillas but civilians murdered under a policy of deception. On the other, some feel restorative sanctions are insufficient for crimes of this magnitude.

Yet, what is undeniable is this: without the relentless work of victims’ families, there would be no case, no ruling, no justice at all. Their memory work forced the truth into public view, long before courts were willing to listen.

Memory Across Generations

Memorialization also has a temporal dimension. Parents age; siblings pass the torch. Children who never met their uncles now grow up seeing their faces in photos at family homes. Some youth groups have joined mothers in painting murals or organizing cultural events to keep the memory alive.

This intergenerational transmission matters. It means falsos positivos are not confined to dusty files or occasional headlines; they remain part of Colombia’s living social fabric. Memory ensures continuity, so history cannot be rewritten by official silence.

The Global Echo

Colombia is not alone in this. Around the world, victims’ families have taken up memorialization as a path to justice:

These movements share a belief: memory is part of justice when justice is delayed.

Image of women holding up signs with pictures
Image 3: Mothers of Plaza de Mayo. Source: Yahoo Images.

The Fragility of Memory

Yet memory is fragile. Murals are painted over. Political shifts can reduce funding for memorial projects. Denialist narratives re-emerge. Even now, some Colombian politicians downplay the scale of falsos positivos or frame them as “errors” of war rather than systematic crimes.

This is why the work of families remains so urgent. Their voices remind us that memory cannot be outsourced to institutions alone. It lives in communities, in stories told around dinner tables, in names recited at vigils.

A Country Still Healing

Colombia’s 2016 Peace Accord promised both truth and justice. The JEP was born to address atrocities like falsos positivos. Its rulings — like the one in September — are milestones. But healing requires more than verdicts.

It requires listening to families, supporting memorialization efforts, and integrating their memory work into the nation’s broader historical narrative. Museums, school curricula, public memorials, and state apologies can all help ensure that the falsos positivos are never repeated and never forgotten—and to that end, some rulings have ordered soldiers and officers to participate in community memorial projects, recognizing memory as a necessary path toward reconciliation.

 Memory as Our Responsibility

The parents and relatives of falsos positivos victims have shown extraordinary courage. They remind us that memory is not just about the past, it is about shaping the present and protecting the future.

By carrying photos, painting murals, and speaking truth, they have forced Colombia, and the world, to confront a reality that many preferred to ignore. Their work demonstrates that justice is not only legal but also cultural and emotional.

A Call to Remember

As readers, we too have a role. We can support memorialization efforts, share victims’ stories, and resist denialist narratives. If you are in Colombia, visit a memorial site, attend a commemoration, or learn the names of the victims in your region. If you are outside of Colombia, read about the Mothers of Soacha, amplify their voices, and connect their struggle with global movements for truth and justice.

Because in the end, forgetting is complicity. And memory — stubborn, painful, luminous memory — is the first step toward dignity, accountability, and peace.

 

Peace Constitutions: Costa Rica and Japan

What do you know about peace and peace-building processes? If you have previously studied the concept of peace, you may have encountered peace constitutions and their role in promoting both positive and negative peace.

In peace studies, peace is not limited to the absence of violence (negative peace); it also includes the social and economic institutions and structures that sustain societies (positive peace). In other words, as Martin Luther King put it in his response to an accusation that he was disturbing the peace during the Montgomery Bus Boycott, “True peace is not merely the absence of tension: it is the presence of justice.” Learn more about peace from the fifth edition of David P. Barash and Charles P. Webel’s Peace and Conflict Studies, which elaborates on the aspects of positive peace, historical and current conflicts, nationalism, and terrorism.

Constitution on paper
Image 1: A written constitution. Source: Yahoo Images.

Constitution-building is the process of creating or amending that involves negotiating, drafting, and implementing fundamental principles and frameworks for a nation to work, according to PeaceRep. Peace agreements can be a constitution or have the constitution included within them. Charlotte Fiedler from the German Institute of Development and Sustainability analyzes the effects of writing a new constitution after conflict. This political scientist argues that constitution-making is part of the peace-building process, and empirical evidence indicates that it allows countries to start anew with a new governance framework, rethink previous regimes, and, therefore, improve their societal peace outlook. According to Fiedler, post-conflict constitutions are linked to trust-building, meaning that longer constitution-making processes are more successful in sustaining peace than shorter, forced processes. Both Japan’s and Costa Rica’s peace constitutions were drafted after conflicts, and both countries have seen respective benefits.

Japan’s Postwar Constitution

The 1947 constitution introduced more power to Japanese society by placing the military under civilian control, granting new rights to women, and reformulating the responsibilities of the imperial family. After WWII, Japanese cities were devastated, and post-conflict planning started. The U.S. diplomat Hugh Borton, who was part of these plans, claimed that Japan needed a new one: “to truly steer away from the imperial institution.” The Japanese wanted to amend their 1889 Meiji Constitution, but the Allies didn’t think this was enough. Therefore, General MacArthur created three principles to serve as an outline for a new constitution: no longer being able to wage war, a parliamentary system, and more power to the people.

After a lot of back and forth between the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers staff (SCAP), the Japanese cabinet, and the first post-war general election, a new constitution was drafted. The SCAP included in Article 9 that Japan would renounce the use of force as a tool for addressing international issues. Some agreed with this article, showing Japan’s commitment to peace, but others weren’t keen on the idea. Ultimately, it was amended to read that Japan would not keep armed forces strong enough for any acts of aggression

Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution includes a no-war clause, in which the government renounces war as a means of sovereignty and refuses to settle disputes using military force. It also includes wording such as “We, the Japanese people, desire peace for all time… we have determined to preserve our security and existence, trusting in the justice and faith of the peace-loving peoples of the world.” Because of the language in it, the constitution played a major role in shaping Japan’s national identity of pacifism.

Lessons from Japan

Japan Self-Defense Forces
Image 2: Japan Self-Defense Forces in the forest. Source: Yahoo Images.

As established in “Peace in Theory and Practice” under Article 9 of Japan’s Constitution, a review by Lawrence W. Beer, an expert on the politics of Japan and other Asian countries, reveals a few lessons that these peace constitutions teach the world. First, a renunciation of war is acceptable, desirable, and realistic. Second, the military does not have to be the center of international and national planning; instead, the economy, democracy, human rights, and the environment should be the center of national security concerns. Third, major peaceful changes in culture and system are possible even in the most nationalist, military-driven nations. Despite these efforts and lessons, some government officials have worked to reinstate a stronger military force and larger access to arms. Hence, time will tell how Japan will uphold its pacifist identity.

Costa Rican Constitution

Costa Rica committed to peace and democracy after years of internal conflict and unrest. Early on, after gaining independence from Spain, Costa Rica focused on its internal development, avoiding prolonged conflicts and opting for defense rather than aggression. After a period of peace when the military focused on maintaining internal order, Federico Tinoco seized power through a coup and established an authoritarian rule heavily dependent on military power. Tinoco was not well received, and this dictatorship affected public opinion on the military and its role in society. The event that pushed Costa Rica to make its final decision to abolish its military was the 1948 Civil War, which left thousands dead and had people urging for a peaceful country. The aftermath of the civil war led to the decision that same year.

Painting celebrating the peace constitution of Costa Rica
Image 3: Painting celebrating Costa Rica’s peace constitution. Source: Yahoo Images

The codification of the 1949 constitution declared Costa Rica a neutral nation, prohibiting the use of force by its army. Article 12 states, “The Army as a permanent institution is abolished,” and instructs the funds to be allocated to public welfare programs instead. What was before the job of the military became the job of the civilian police force, whose main objective is community policing and human rights?

Finally, the Costa Rican Constitution, in Article 50, guarantees the right to live in a healthy and environmentally balanced environment, making both the state and the public responsible for conserving their natural resources. Following this article, the country has passed legislation to address fishing and mining, as well as utilizing renewable sources for a large portion of its energy.

Lessons from Costa Rica

Without the burden of military expenditure, Costa Rica was able to focus more on its social services, providing better resources for its nation. This investment in education and healthcare resulted in one of the highest literacy rates in Latin America and a healthcare system with universal coverage for its citizens. What’s more, fund reallocation allowed for the development of tourism, technology, and environmental conservation. Although a lot of money and arms are still poured into the police, the shift to a more peaceful and sustainable society is evident. Ultimately, Costa Rica’s stance on peace has had an impact on the nation’s structure and its reputation in the international arena.

These two countries are not the only ones with limitations on their military forces. Iceland, Mauritius, Panama, and Vanuatu have also decided to abandon the use of the military and instead rely on alliances, diplomatic relations, and geographical isolation for national defense. For other countries and territories, such as Micronesia, defense is the responsibility of others. For example, Monaco’s defense is the responsibility of France, while the Faroe Islands are under the responsibility of Denmark.

Leaning away from raising armies for aggression may improve international harmony. How it would affect internal conflict is an aspect to consider. Moreover, the logistics of maintaining a defense army, such as limitations on size and allies, are also important factors in this conversation. A peace constitution that abolishes the military may not be a popular reform in bigger countries such as the U.S., Russia, and China. Less threat of attacks may allow for further distancing from military expenditure. Ultimately, a peace constitution not only addresses negative peace but also leads to positive peace as resources are reallocated to fit the new goals and structure of each nation.

Russia/Ukraine War Update Until March 3, 2025: U.S. Relations, Deals, and Human Rights Violations

Ukrainian soldiers on a tank, holding the Ukrainian flag.
Image 1: Ukrainian soldiers on a tank, holding the Ukrainian flag. Source: Yahoo Images.

On Tuesday, February 18th, Russia and the U.S. began a discussion regarding an end to the Russia/Ukraine war. Along with talk about ending the war, the two countries spoke about making improvements to their economic and diplomatic ties. Marco Rubio, the U.S. Secretary of State; Michael Waltz, U.S. President Trump’s national security advisor; Sergey Lavrov, Russia’s Secretary of State; and Yuri Ushakov, President Putin’s foreign affairs advisor, were present at the meeting.

If you’re asking yourself, “Wait, isn’t there a country missing from the meeting?” You would be correct. Ukraine was not present, nor were they invited to the meeting in which the future of their state was being discussed. Ukrainian President Zelenskyy stated that Ukraine would disregard any conclusion the meeting came to, as Ukraine had not been a part of it.

Ukraine received a great deal of American support throughout the Biden Administration’s term in office. Ukraine Oversight reports and tracks funding and aid that has come from the U.S. during the time period of February 2022 until December 2024. The total amount has been $182.8 billion. Of that total $83.4 billion has been used, $57 billion is obligated but not yet distributed, $39.6 billion has been appropriated but is not obligated to be paid, and $2.7 billion has expired. Ukraine has also received aid from the U.S. and other G7 nations, which are France, Japan, Canada, Italy, and the United Kingdom, in the form of a loan program that would provide $20 billion to be paid from frozen Russian assets. The website further breaks down where the money has come from. The U.S. Department of State also offers explanations and breakdowns of what the money was spent on and the aid that was sent to Ukraine.

Ukrainian President Zelenskyy has repeatedly thanked the U.S. for the aid Ukraine has received since the invasion in 2022. In 2022, President Zelenskyy gifted the U.S. Congress with a Ukrainian war flag. He has also thanked the American people on multiple occasions, as well as stated that their money is an investment in the security and future of Ukraine and its people.

U.S. President Trump recently stated that Ukraine had three years to put a stop to this war and that they (presumably meaning Ukraine) should have never started it to begin with. As was stated in my last blog in relation to the Russia/Ukraine war, Russia started the war by invading Ukraine in 2022. Russia also previously illegally annexed Crimea from Ukraine in 2014. To this day Russia still occupies Crimea. While Rubio had exclaimed his excitement for the end of the war and the concept of bringing Russia and the U.S. closer together, Ukrainian forces continued to be overwhelmed by the illegal invasion of Russian troops.

If you are interested in the human rights violations that occurred in 2024 regarding the Russian Ukrainian war, check out my blog post, Russia-Ukraine War Update and Interview With Ukrainian UAB Student. For this blog I will focus on recent developments about U.S. and Ukrainian relations, Ukrainian and European relations, and human rights violations committed by Russia.

Tensions Between Ukraine and U.S. Grow

Two soldiers hold the American flag and the Ukrainian flag.
Image 2: Two soldiers hold the American flag and the Ukrainian flag. Source: Yahoo Images.

Ukraine is a land rich in critical minerals such as ilmenite, which is used in the production of titanium. The vast potential of Ukraine’s critical mineral industry has been untapped due to war and state policies. Recently, the Trump Administration proposed that U.S. companies should have access to these mining pits for ilmenite in exchange for U.S. aid in the war.

The first deal that the U.S. proposed would have Ukraine pay $500 billion worth in minerals while receiving no guarantee of security. They would receive weapons and Ukraine would have to pay a debt for generations. This agreement was rejected by President Zelenskyy on February 15th because it did not protect either Ukraine nor the country’s interests. In an AP article, they talk of Ukrainians’ feelings of unease at the prospects of U.S. businesses on their land. Many people felt that too much would be given away in exchange for weapons.

The second agreement that was drawn up stated that Ukraine would give 50% of its entire revenue on natural resources into a fund. This fund would then be used to invest in projects in Ukraine. As of now, the projects that would be funded are not defined in the agreement and will be further defined in later discussions. This agreement still does not guarantee the security of Ukraine.

The success of this agreement would have been determined in part by the success of private investment in Ukraine’s mineral resources. The ongoing war and reconstruction of Ukrainian infrastructure could hinder investment into the mining of these minerals. With no outlines for Ukraine security, mining companies are hesitant about investing in the country. Mining is an extremely expensive industry, and with the threat of Russian attacks, it is extremely unlikely that a corporation would risk investing in Ukraine.

This new agreement was going to be discussed in person between President Zelenskyy, who traveled to the U.S. on February 28th, 2025, and President Trump. However, during the meeting, not much was able to be said as President Trump, who was seated next to Vice President J.D. Vance, yelled at Ukraine’s President. The mineral agreement was not signed, as was originally intended, during that meeting.

Ukraine has been struggling against Russian forces for three years. Comments made by U.S. defense secretary, Pete Hegseth that Ukraine must give up hope of regaining its territory or getting NATO membership, have poured salt on wounds that have not been given time to heal in the last three years. Ukrainians have been worried over the position they will be left in after a peace agreement between Russia and Ukraine is decided.

For years, the overall Western consensus has been that no agreement will come at the cost of Ukrainians still living in places now occupied by Russia. That viewpoint may now be changing in the United States, and Ukraine and other nations located close to Russia fear that a break in the war will allow Russia’s military to regroup and potentially invade Ukraine again as well as other parts of Europe.

European Nations Uniting

Stairway with Ukrainian flag painted on the walls.
Image 3: Stairway with Ukrainian flag painted on the walls. Source: Yahoo Images.

On Sunday, March 2, 2025, the leaders of Ukraine, Spain, Germany, Italy, Netherlands, Poland, Canada, Finland, Sweden, France, the Czech Republic, Romania, and Britain, as well as the Turkish Foreign Minister, attended a meeting about Ukraine at London’s Lancaster House. This was done in a show of support for Ukraine. During the meeting, the leaders agreed that it was in everyone’s interest that defense efforts be expanded so that peace could finally be accomplished for Ukraine.

It is worth noting that British Prime Minister Keir Starmer still said that the support of the U.S. was critical for this plan to work. In other words, while Europe must be at the forefront of Ukraine’s defense, the U.S. must back the rest of Europe for the defense to work.

While Europe is attempting to support and back Ukraine, on March 3, 2025, U.S. President Trump officially paused all military aid to Ukraine in hope of pressuring President Zelenskyy into negotiating peace talks with Russia. These peace talks, if rushed, will most likely give Russia the upper hand and negate any hope Ukraine has had for regaining the Ukrainian land that is currently occupied by Russia.

Russia’s Continued Human Rights Violations

Ukrainian flag standing over a destroyed building.
Image 4: Ukrainian flag standing over a destroyed building. Source: Yahoo Images.

Amnesty International stated that any peace talks that do not include justice and repercussions for the international laws violations and human rights violations that have occurred against Ukraine will only serve to prolong Ukrainian suffering. Throughout the three years that Russia has been invading Ukraine, Russia has continued to target civilian infrastructure.

Residential buildings, schools, cultural heritage sites, and hospitals are some of the civilian infrastructure that has been destroyed by Russian forces. In my previous blog about the war, I wrote that the summer of 2024 was the deadliest time for children in Ukraine. Children are the most vulnerable members of society. Russia’s disregard for the lives of Ukrainian civilians, specifically children, is a violation of human rights. Since the invasion of Ukraine, thousands of schools have either been destroyed or have fallen under the control of Russia.

During Russia’s occupation of Crimea, people have been convicted of discrediting Russian armed forces, which violates the right to freedom of expression. Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) states that all people have the freedom of opinion and expression. When those freedoms are interfered with, it is a violation of human rights. Crimean Tatars who are imprisoned have also been denied medical care. Additionally, 6,000 prisoners of war (POW) continue to be detained by Russian forces. POW and civilians alike have been subject to torture. In the year of 2024, Russia charged at least 120 Ukrainian POWs with terrorism. Since then, they have all been executed.

It is estimated that, as of July 2024, 14,000 Ukrainian citizens had been wrongfully and unlawfully detained by Russia. There are reports of war crimes and crimes against humanity being inflicted on Ukrainian civilians. These offenses include torture, sexual violence, extrajudicial killings, and denials of fair trials. In Article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), it is stated that torture or inhuman punishment is a violation of human rights.

Many Ukrainian civilians have been subject to arbitrary arrest, and over 50,000 Ukrainians have been reported missing. Arbitrary arrest is the unlawful arrest and detainment of a person by a government without due process. Article 9 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) states that arbitrary arrest, exiles, and detentions are human rights violations.

In places occupied by Russia, 1.6 million Ukrainian children must attend schools, learn the curriculum, and abide by the rules of invaders, where Ukrainian children are deprived of learning their language, cultural heritage, and history. If students are to continue their Ukrainian education, they must do so online. This is in violation of Article 26 of the UDHR, which pertains to the right to education and the parents choice of their child’s education and Article 27 of the UDHR, which states that people have the right to participate in the cultural life of the community.

Conclusion:

As is stated in my last blog about the Russia and Ukraine war, there are a couple of things you can do to help defend human rights in this situation. The U.N. Refugee Agency and the Ukrainian Red Cross Society continue to send humanitarian aid to Ukraine. If you are able and willing, these sites take donations.

You can also help protect human rights by staying informed and reading reliable sources. Disinformation on Ukraine and Russia has run rampant, and when people turn a blind eye to the truth, it is easy for human rights violations to go on unchecked. Updates on the Ukraine and Russia war are occurring daily. Make sure to continue checking for updates and to keep yourself informed.

The Human Rights Concerns of Migration into North Africa

The human rights violations noted against Sub-Saharan African migrants have been increasing exponentially across North Africa, specifically in Tunisia. Tunisia is a transit country for many migrants to reach Europe, being the most significant departure point for migrants crossing the Mediterranean; the physical actions against migrants and the political bias have inherently made it difficult for many different communities to continue their journey.

History of Sub-Saharan Immigration

Photo 1: Photo of a refugee camp.Source: Flickr
Photo 1: Photo of a refugee camp.
Source: Flickr

For hundreds of years, people have migrated from Sub-Saharan Africa to Northern Africa; in 2020, it was estimated that 61 percent of migrants into North Africa were from Africa. Tunisia has been a key destination because it is relatively stable both socioeconomically and politically. Irregular migration into the country has been pertinent since the early 1990s. However, a surge in migration was observed in 2011, when over 27,000 migrants were intercepted in Tunisia with plans to continue to Europe. A similar spike was noted in early 2020, with over 35,000 migrants intercepted when departing from the country. These values tell the story of those who were intercepted by the government and do not account for those who weren’t able to complete their journey beyond Tunisia.

Largely, migrants from Sub-Saharan Africa are males who have taken the step into a new journey to hopefully promise a better life for their families; these individuals are quite young, being anywhere from 18 to 35 years old. Generally, there are varying reasons why people migrate to Tunisia; data collected in 2018 suggests that 52% of migrants emigrated for economic reasons, 22 percent migrated to study, and 25 percent are potential victims of human trafficking. All of these come via different routes; though land routes are quite popular, an overwhelming majority of migrants from Sub-Saharan Africa come by air travel, leveraging visa-on-arrival opportunities. As these are often three-month tourist visas, many overstay the visa to work in different fields ranging from tourism to hospitality to construction. Beyond those visas, other avenues are explored by migrants to enter Tunisia; one is that of human-smuggling networks. These networks are oftentimes characterized by two-fold movements: into Tunisia via land and then outside of Tunisia via maritime routes. For those without passports, many individuals pay hundreds of dollars to get to North Africa.

Drivers of Migration

When faced with difficulties, many people seek out-migration as an avenue to explore. One reason why migration into Tunisia has increased is economic burdens. The World Bank has estimated that youth unemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa is around 10.2 percent. This has resulted in many youths moving to North Africa to seek out new opportunities.

Another factor is environmental factors. With increased burdens associated with climate change, such as increased temperatures and deteriorating soil quality, it is observed as a driver, as well. By 2025, Sub-Saharan Africa could see as many as 86 million climate migrants; though this number is represented by a value of internal and external migration, this has been a force that has impacted current migration patterns into Tunisia.

 

Photo 2: Photo of refugees at Tunisian-Libyan border.Source: Flickr
Photo 2: Photo of refugees at Tunisian-Libyan border.
Source: Flickr

Domestic Concerns

To respond to the increased migration, the Tunisian government has had a unique role in the development of action. While Tunisia has been vocal about human rights and has demonstrated international support, the application of their signatures often falls short.

Raids and arrests, outlining attacks against human rights, have been increasing significantly. This, coupled with improper immigration-specialized facilities, has resulted in many people not being treated fairly. These centers have not met international standards, according to international observers like OMCT (World Organization Against Torture), due to inadequate sanitary conditions and poor infrastructure. To respond to these abuses and oversight, the government of Tunisia established the National Authority for the Prevention of Torture, which has unfortunately faced limited access to detention centers, further allowing continuous attacks against the human rights of those in detainment.

Human Right Abuses

Different abuses have been noted against Sub-Saharan migrants in Tunisia. Physical violence has been most prominent during arrests, raids, and detainment. Over 85 percent of Black Africans had reported violence from these security forces. These abuses have been conducted by police, the National Guard, and many other entities.

Medical abuse is also quite prominent as well, especially for those in detention facilities. Many migrants are uneducated about the nuances of Tunisian healthcare in the country and their access rights. This results in inaccurate information being more accessible than a healthcare professional.  Within the conversation of accessing healthcare, there is a unique level of pressure put on female migrants; though there are not as many women who migrate to Tunisia, those who do face challenges ranging from building rapport with the health system, accessing insurance information for prenatal care, and navigating social implications of feminine care.

Mental health is also a huge issue for many migrants in Tunisia; an overwhelming 47 percent of migrants experience depression, 10 percent experience adaptation stress, and 9 percent experience PTSD (Post Traumatic Stress Disorder). These, coupled with the general stress of migration and the expectation to reach Europe, can have overwhelming effects on their mental health. Without the resources necessary to treat it, they are left even more vulnerable than when they came.

Economic exploitation is another abuse noted against Sub-Saharan African Migrants in Tunisia. 35% of migrant workers experience poor working conditions, many of whom eventually change jobs for a plethora of reasons ranging from exploitation, which is the most frequent incident, to violence to harassment. As many of these workers participate in the informal economy, as young people generally make up 32 percent of the informal sector, they are not equally as protected compared to those who are in the formal sector.

When looking at the abuses against communities, it is integral that international communities advocate against these injustices and work to support vulnerable communities like migrant ones. Without checks and balances, support is limited for these communities, allowing systematic discrimination to take precedence.

Russia-Ukraine War Update and Interview with Ukrainian UAB Student

Two women holding the Ukrainian flag and shouting.
Image 1: Two women holding the Ukrainian flag and shouting. Source: Yahoo Images.

Recently, North Korea has promised closer ties with Russia and to further its aid in the Russia-Ukraine war. Throughout the war, many civilian structures have been destroyed, as Russia has continued to target educational facilities, homes, and hospitals. For many Ukrainians, their country has been something they’ve constantly had to fight for. 

UAB (The University of Alabama at Birmingham) student, Kate Tkach, was nine years old when she left Ukraine to move to the U.S. For her privacy, I will use an alias to protect her identity. Tkach’s father and his family were in Kyiv when Russia invaded Ukraine in February of 2022. Since then, her grandparents have visited Ukraine during the summer of 2024. Their experiences give an idea of what life was like when the invasion occurred and what nights in Kyiv were like over the summer. 

Brief History of Ukraine-Russia Conflicts and the Start of the War

Destroyed civilian building in Ukraine.
Image 2: Destroyed civilian buildings in Ukraine. Source: Yahoo Images.

Ukraine was previously an area of conflict in 2014 when Russia annexed Crimea. This was one of the first times since WWII that a state in Europe was annexed by another territory. In the fighting between 2014-2021, at least 14,000 civilian people died. Russia and Ukraine have been strongly connected economically, politically, and culturally. However, after the Soviet Union fell in 1991, Ukraine and Russia parted ways. This was considered a substantial loss for Russia’s international standing. 

Putin began the invasion of Ukraine to combat Western powers that he claimed had the intention to destroy Russia. Ukraine had begun trading with other countries, much to the displeasure of Russia, who only wanted Ukraine to trade with them. Sources of energy have been a connecting factor between Russia and Ukraine. 

President Putin has said that NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) and the U.S. have violated promises they made not to grow alliances in the former Soviet States. A relationship between Ukraine and the U.S. would be seen as an act of aggression to Russia. Nonetheless, Ukraine was growing ties with NATO, leading to the invasion in 2022. Kyiv has since then backed the idea of fully joining NATO. For more information about the history of Ukraine and Russia, as well as a report from when the invasion first occurred, visit Dr. Reuter’s IHR Blog.

The cultural ties between Ukraine and Russia have given Putin justification for reunification. Over the years, President Putin has described Russians and Ukrainians as “one people.” Regardless of that statement, Russia has continued to target civilian infrastructure in cities like Kyiv. Over 100,000 Ukrainian civilians have been wounded or killed since 2022. Around 8 million refugees have been forced to flee to surrounding countries. One of those refugees was Kate Tkach’s father, who fled to a surrounding country. The roads had been so crowded that it took her father 24 hours to escape to Moldova.  

Tkach’s hope for the future is that more awareness will be spread about Ukraine and Russia. While in the U.S., she’s experienced people expressing their confusion over what would be so bad about Russia taking over Ukraine.

“Ukrainian people have died for the independence of our country. Likening Russians to Ukrainians would be like saying, You’re from America? That must mean you’re Canadian. Our languages and cultures are different. We are not Russian; we are Ukrainian” — Kate Tkach.

While President Putin has pushed the agenda that Ukrainians are Russian, that is undoubtedly not the way Ukrainians feel.  

North Korea’s Support and Aid to Russia

Regional map of Ukraine.
Image 3: Regional map of Ukraine. Source: Yahoo Images.

In June of 2024, President Putin and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un signed the Russia-North Korea joint comprehensive partnership agreement. The partnership highlights a mutual agreement to help each other in times of aggression. On October 23, 2024, North Korean troops were deployed to Kurkoblast, Russia which borders Ukraine. Reports say that North Korean personnel have been gathering in Russia throughout all of October. Simultaneously, over the past two years, North Korea has sent military equipment and ammunition to Russia as a means to strengthen ties. 

Ukrainian intelligence sources stated that six North Korean officers were killed in a strike near Donetsk City. Donetsk City is located near the east side of Ukraine and is around 140 miles away from Russia’s border. President Zelenskyy said that reports suggest Russia is training two brigades that each contain 6,000 North Korean personnel. Recently, King Jong Un met with Russian Defense Minister Andrei Belousov in November of 2024 to discuss North Korea’s support of Russia. During the meeting, Kim criticized the U.S. for supplying Ukraine with weapons. 

When asked about her thoughts on North Korea’s increased support of Russia’s war against Ukraine, Tkach said, “I wasn’t surprised. Atrocity after atrocity keeps happening in Ukraine. At a certain point, all of the bad things have plateaued in my mind. My first thought was, ‘Oh, what’s one more bad thing?’ It hasn’t affected my viewpoint so much.” 

Russia’s War Crimes in Ukraine 2024

A destroyed maternity ward and children hospital in Mariupol, Ukraine after a Russian attack.
Image 4: A destroyed maternity ward and children’s hospital in Mariupol, Ukraine, after a Russian attack. Source: Yahoo Images.

According to Amnesty International, war crimes include attacks on civilian and/or civilian infrastructure, killings of civilians, torture, crimes of sexual violence, murder or bad treatment of prisoners of war, and the use of illegal weapons. These are all violations of the International Humanitarian Law. This law is meant to limit the effects of armed conflicts on surrounding communities. It protects civilians, which includes medical personnel and humanitarian workers, as well as refugees and the wounded and sick.

On July 8, 2024, Russia attacked civilian infrastructures in Ukraine. Human Rights Watch reports that 42 civilians were killed, 5 of whom were children. Along with that, the largest children’s hospital in Ukraine, Okhamtdyt, was hit by Russian bombs over the summer of 2024. The intensive care unit, oncology, and surgical unit were severely damaged, while other units, such as the toxicology and traumatology, were completely destroyed. 

The first strike had hit the hospital before it could be completely evacuated. The strike occurred when three patients were in heart surgeries. Additionally, one of the children who was evacuated before the strike was in critical condition. After being moved to a different hospital, the child died. Since June 2024, the UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine reported that 9,560 civilians have been killed and 21,450 were injured. At least 594 children have been killed since the summer, and 1,207 have been injured. 

During the interview with Kate Tkach, I asked her what experience her grandparents had during the summer when visiting Ukraine. In the summer of 2024, Tkach’s grandparents visited both Kyiv and Ternopil. Kyiv is the capital of Ukraine and is located near central north Ukraine. Ternopil is located near the far west of Ukraine. 

Tkach said that there is no airfare going across the borders of Ukraine. Because of this, her grandparents had to fly to Moldova and then take a bus all the way to Ukraine. This bus was not allowed to stop the entire way to Ukraine. In addition, every night, the water and electricity would be shut off, so Kyiv looked abandoned. This caused the already hot summer to become even worse. Her grandfather is 86 years old, and her grandmother is 88 years old. 

Tkach stated, “I cannot even imagine what it is like now in the winter. Our winters are harsh and having no heat in the buildings at night is a death sentence.”

 Looking towards Ukraine’s Future

Ripped Ukrainian flag that's still standing amongst a crumbled building.
Image 5: Ripped Ukrainian flag that’s still standing amongst a crumbled building. Source: Yahoo Images.

At the time that Kate Tkach lived in Ukraine, she was a child. She reflects on her time spent there and her fondest memories. One of those was when the first snow would fall. Every year, all the kids would go up to a hill near their apartments and slide down it. No one knew each other, but everyone was together, and at that moment, they could enjoy spending time with one another. Tkach had lived in an apartment near a school in Kyiv. She is unaware whether or not the place she grew up in is still standing or not.

“I grew up in a very beautiful Ukraine, with beautiful Orthodox churches and green fields [that were] not yet touched by civilization. To think of all of that getting destroyed and left in rubble because Ukraine doesn’t want to surrender to a different country is hard to process. My people wanted an independent country and fought to gain their freedom, [which] is something I take pride in.” — Kate Tkach.

To help, one of the best things you can do is to spread verified news. It is imperative that awareness continues to be spread about the war crimes that are committed in Ukraine. For ways to support, donations can be made to humanitarian relief organizations like The UN Refugee Agency, which helps refugees, and the Ukrainian Red Cross Society, which has continuously sent humanitarian aid to places in Ukraine that most need it.