Tag: minority rights

The Toll of Iran’s Women‑Led Rights Movement: A Psychological Standpoint

Woman Life Freedom
Image 1: “Woman Life Freedom” The slogan highlights courage and persistence in the global struggle for equality and justice. Source: Adobe Stock #1657149359

On September 16, 2022, the death of 22-year-old Mahsa Jina Amini while in the custody of Iran’s morality police ignited a nationwide uprising. What began as protests over hijab enforcement evolved into a broader demand for freedom and justice under the slogan “Woman, Life, Freedom.” But beyond the political stakes, this movement has unleashed profound psychological consequences for individuals and society; it is a crisis at the intersection of human rights and mental health.

An Overview of the Crisis

Women in Iran began revolting after the death of 22-year-old Mahsa (Jina) Amini, who was arrested by the country’s “morality police” in September 2022 for allegedly wearing her hijab too loosely. Witnesses reported that she was beaten in custody, and she died shortly afterward, becoming a symbol of the everyday oppression that Iranian women face under strict mandatory hijab laws and decades of state surveillance, harassment, and punishment. Her death ignited widespread anger, leading women and girls to remove their hijabs, cut their hair, and protest the broader system of gender-based control. This outrage quickly expanded beyond Amini herself, sparking one of the largest protest movements in Iran’s recent history and drawing nationwide support.

The protests triggered by Amini’s death were among the largest Iran had seen in decades, spreading to more than 150 cities. State repression followed swiftly: reports indicate that security forces used lethal force, detained thousands, and committed acts of torture and sexual violence against protesters. A UN fact-finding mission later concluded that many of these violations may amount to crimes against humanity, including murder, imprisonment, torture, and persecution, particularly targeting women. Despite international outcry, accountability has been limited, and the psychological wounds continue to deepen.

The Weaponization of Psychiatry

One of the most chilling psychological tactics used by the Iranian regime against participants in the recent protests is the involuntary psychiatric hospitalization of dissenters. Authorities have publicly admitted that some student protesters were sent to “psychological institutes” during and after the protests, not for genuine mental illness, but as a tool to “re-educate” them.

In one particularly disturbing case, Ahoo Daryaei, a doctoral student who protested by partially removing her hijab in public, was reportedly forcefully disappeared and likely sent to a psychiatric hospital. Labeling protest behavior as “madness” isn’t just stigmatizing; it’s a deliberate form of repression rooted in misusing mental health institutions. Psychiatrists inside and outside Iran have condemned this practice as a gross violation of human rights.

Trauma, Anxiety, and Depression

The violence of the crackdown and the constant threat to safety have caused widespread psychological trauma. But even those not visibly injured describe deep emotional scars.

In interviews and counseling settings, psychologists report a surge in anxiety and depression among young women across Iran. A female psychotherapist described how girls in small towns, once relatively isolated, entered into a state of “heightened awareness” after Amini’s death, but also into frustration and internal conflict:

“This newfound awareness has disrupted their previous state of relative comfort … tension and conflict within their families have become an added burden …”

These emotional struggles are compounded by the fact that some girls feel guilty or disloyal to their families when they defy expectations, which is a significant psychological burden. On a broader level, the constant surveillance, repression, and societal division fuels pervasive fear. A published analysis of Iran’s protests noted that protest-related trauma is not just physical but deeply psychological, affecting individuals’ ability to trust, belong, and imagine a safer future.

Collective Psychology: Identity, Resilience & Social Change

Despite the repression, the movement has fostered powerful collective resilience and identity. Psychologically, protests like these are often rooted in social identity theory: people come together around a shared sense of injustice (in this case, gender-based oppression and state violence) and develop strong bonds that motivate collective action.

One manifestation of this is the growing refusal of women to wear the hijab, which is becoming seen as a normalized act of civil disobedience. This symbolic rejection has become a form of psychological resistance. Rather than waiting for external change, many Iranians are asserting internal agency and self-determination.

This quiet revolution isn’t risk-free. Protesters face brutality, arrest, and psychological harm. But for many, the act of defiance itself is a source of empowerment and a way to reshape their own sense of identity, purpose, and belonging in a context that so blatantly denies them autonomy.

Iranian woman protesting
Image 2: Iranian woman protesting. Source: Adobe Stock, Mumpitz, #543171718

Intergenerational Effects & the Future

The mental health impacts of the crackdown are likely to have long-term, intergenerational consequences. Children and teenagers exposed to violence, either directly or via their families, may carry trauma that affects their development, academic performance, and relationships. For some, the protests represent a break from generational patterns of silence or submission, but that break comes with a cost.

Moreover, the lack of institutional accountability, as documented by Human Rights Watch and the UN, compounds the trauma. Without justice or recognition, survivors may struggle to process their experiences, leading to lasting emotional scars. Yet, there is hope: the persistence of the movement, even in the face of brutal repression, suggests that for many Iranians, psychological healing and human-rights change are intertwined. The continued refusal to comply, the daily acts of resistance, and the communal memory of trauma may all serve as foundations for a future built on dignity and freedom.

Why This Is a Human Rights and Mental Health Crisis

From a human-rights perspective, what’s happening in Iran is not just political suppression, but also a systematic campaign of gendered persecution, psychological control, and enforced conformity. The UN mission concluded that many of the regime’s actions amounted to crimes against humanity, including persecution, torture, and sexual violence.

Psychologically, the use of psychiatric institutions to silence dissenters violates fundamental principles of autonomy and mental integrity. Even more, the widespread trauma threatens social cohesion, sense of identity, and collective well-being. The mental health crisis is not a side effect, it’s central to the human rights violations. Without addressing both the physical and psychological consequences, the wounds of this movement will remain unhealed, and the foundation for meaningful justice and reform will be unstable.

What Needs to Happen

Addressing this crisis requires coordinated action on multiple fronts. International accountability and support are essential, with bodies like the UN and international courts pressing for justice, accountability, and reparations for victims of repression, while countries with universal jurisdiction consider investigating human rights abuses, including psychological repression. Mental health infrastructure and aid must also be expanded, with support from international organizations to provide trauma counseling and remote psychosocial assistance to Iranians both inside and outside the country who lack safe access to care. Protecting dissenters from psychiatric abuse is critical; international psychiatry associations should condemn involuntary hospitalizations of protesters and provide clear guidelines for safeguarding patients’ rights, while diplomatic or economic pressure could be directed at institutions complicit in these abuses. Finally, empowering local and global solidarity is vital: amplifying the voices of Iranian activists, particularly women, and supporting cultural forms of resistance such as music, art, and storytelling can promote healing, identity formation, and collective resilience.

Conclusion

The “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement in Iran is more than a political uprising; it’s a psychological battleground. The regime’s brutal crackdown is not only a violation of bodily rights but of mental integrity. People are being traumatized, surveilled, pathologized, and denied justice. Yet in the face of repression, they are also cultivating a new collective identity, resilience, and purpose. Understanding this crisis through a psychological lens is essential. It reminds us that human rights are not abstract ideals; they are woven into our mental well-being, our capacity to heal, to resist, and to imagine a freer future.

Racism and Colorism in Cuba

Because racism and colorism are persistent parts of reality in the world we inhabit, this blog post will be focusing on racism and colorism, specifically in Cuba. Cuba, an island located in the Caribbean, has dealt with racism historically and currently. On December 9th, 2024, representatives of the Cuban state and civil society met at the International Conference Cuba 2024 for the Decade of African descendants, which promotes an anti-racist cause. Five years previous to this, the Cuban Council of Ministers approved the National Program Against Racism and Colorism because they felt that there was a strong need to eliminate prejudices in Cuba. One may ask what some of the things that led to the Council’s decision were. It is therefore important to look at Cuba’s history in order to understand the current Cuban state.

Historical Context

Green Sedan Parked in Front of Building
Green Sedan parked in front of building. Source: Pexels; Photo by Yuting Gao: https://www.pexels.com/photo/green-sedan-parked-on-front-of-building-1637112/


Cuba has an extensive colonial history; it was colonized by the Spanish. Until 1810, Cuba was officially part of the vast Spanish Empire that spread out across the Americas. It was also one of the key ports in the Atlantic world of plantation economies and slavery. According to Alexander von Humboldt, the Spanish Empire represented the true wealth of America, because the competing colonies were small islands and coastal settlements. Spain lost its mainland colonies during the Spanish American wars of independence, which lasted until about 1830, but the majority of the Cuban elite remained loyal to Spain for economic reasons. The Cuban colony had previously built a crucial sugar industry that relied on an extensive amount of slave labor. Havana and Matanzas had become the wealthiest agricultural region in the Atlantic/ American world. It was home to a highly industrialized form of export agriculture known as “Cuba A” or “Big Cuba,” characterized by large-scale slavery, modern sugar mills and advanced infrastructure like railroads. From 1820 to 1870, Cuba also depended heavily on the illegal slave trade, which provided the financial and human foundation for its expanding sugar-based economy.

Racism in Cuba was based on supposed biological differences. The first efforts to develop a legal understanding of the Cuban Black class were undertaken by Spain’s imperial elite through the introduction of new slave codes in 1785 and 1789. In the “Código Negro Carolino” for the island of Santo Domingo, the Crown and its colonial power structures aimed to codify a rigid hierarchy of social classes organized according to skin color and geographic ancestry which was based on Africa. At the bottom of this system was the “negro class” made up of enslaved people. Right above the enslaved people were the free people of color, classified as Blacks, Mulattos, and Pardos.

Marriage across these color lines allowed for limited movement within the hierarchy. When a darker woman ranging in classification from Black to light mulatta married a lighter-skinned man, their children could occupy one of several intermediary ranks of Tercerones and Cuarterones. By the sixth generation, if the paternal line had consistently remained white, the descendants could legally be recognized as white. As these codes established and reinforced the boundaries of the Black class, separating it sharply from other colonial castes, the Spanish Crown opened paths for social mobility. Wealthy Morenos, Pardos, and mulattos were permitted to purchase the privileges of whiteness such as title “don,” membership in elite professional guilds, and higher education. As a result, these reforms both institutionalized races as a legal category and reinforced Cuba’s racial order. However, limited upward socioeconomic mobility was available for those who could afford it.


Bringing it Back to the Present

Man Wearing Straw Hat While Smoking
Man wearing straw hat, smoking a cigar. Source: Pexels; Photo by Anton: https://www.pexels.com/photo/man-wearing-straw-hat-while-smoking-47296/


Castroism, though it claims to be egalitarian and did result in material gains for the Afro-Cuban population, did not eradicate racism. Behind all of the government’s efforts to promote equality hid the continual traces of colorism and racism in Cuba. Although Cuba projected itself internationally as a champion of racial justice, this image hid continuous forms of inequalities at home. After the Cuban revolution, official claims that racism had been eliminated made public discussions of race taboo. The Castro government even dissolved Afro-Cuban clubs and associations that had long served as spaces for advocacy and mutual support. This is in direct violation of Article 1 of the UDHR which states that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights and that they are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. The silencing of Afro-Cuban Clubs that served as a place for advocacy shows that the government and others within Cuban society did not want Blacks to have much of a say-so, perhaps because they did not feel as if the Afro-Cubans had the same status and dignity as the rest of the population.

This illusion of racial unity began to unravel following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989. Subsequent reforms reshaped Cuba’s economy and exposed the racial disparities that revolutionary rhetoric had long denied. Today, racial hierarchies remain deeply embedded in everyday life. In fact, speaking openly about racial inequality can result in social backlash. This was the case as Afro-Cuban clubs face backlash as they tried to talk about disparities in the Afro-Cuban community and provide advocacy. This is also a direct violation of the UDHR’s preamble as it describes that freedom of speech should be enjoyed by all. It is also a violation of Article 20, which says that “everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association.”


Colorism

Colorful Cuban Street Vendor with Basket of Flowers
Colorful Cuban street vendor with basket of flowers. Source: Pexels; Photo by Fernando Sánchez Aranguren: https://www.pexels.com/photo/colorful-cuban-street-vendor-with-basket-of-flowers-32512015/

One way that colorism and anti-Blackness manifest in Cuba occurs in the tourism industry. Tourism is one of the country’s main industries, and job postings in this field often use coded phrases such as searching for “buena presencia,” which translates to “good appearance”. “Good appearance” implicitly refers to physical features that are less common among Cuba’s Black population. Such practices continuously push the social and economic dominance of whiteness and scream the remnant voices of colonialism.

Colorism is also prevalent in homes, which is where racial learning begins. Cuban families are often racially diverse, and siblings can be categorized differently depending on their appearances. Within households, casual comparisons between pelo malo, which means “bad hair” and is used to refer to kinkier and darker hair, and pelo bueno, which translates to “good hair,” reflect and reproduce racial hierarchies. This shows that many Black Cubans encounter prejudice first not from the government or from other citizens, but from relatives who believe the same biases and prejudices that marginalize them.

Afro-Cubans are aware of this prejudice, as is made clear in an interview conducted by Lulu Garcia Navarro, a journalist who went to Cuba during a 2021 protest. She found that it was the Afro-Cubans that represented the majority of those involved in the protests. She said that during her visits to Cuba, she heard Afro-Cubans talk about how they are referred to in a different way or discussed differently than their white or lighter-skinned counterparts. She provided more context for listeners by interviewing Dr. Amalia Dache, a professor at the University of Pennsylvania who researches Cuba, about this phenomenon. Dache confirmed that the lighter-skinned Cuban population saw the darker skinned Afro-Cuban population as subordinate or as second-class citizens. She then said that “The colonial system of race did not end with the revolution.” Clearly, Cuba has a long way to go when it comes to building a society that respects all people. Still, there are efforts to improve, as demonstrated by the strong Cuban presence at the May 2025 meeting of the Permanent Forum on People of African Descent at the United Nations. It is also encouraging to see that, since April 2018, there have been many high-level politicians in Cuba who are Black. As Raúl Castro noted in his April 2018 retirement speech, racism is still rife in Cuba. However, Afro-Cubans are working hard to change this.

“I Didn’t Know It Had a Name”: Understanding Labor Trafficking — and How to Spot It

AdobeStock_136448884 - Maid changing pillows during housekeepingBy Robert Kneschke
AdobeStock_136448884 – Maid changing pillows during housekeeping By Robert Kneschke

When Rosa* arrived to clean guest rooms at a popular beach hotel, the recruiter’s promises still echoed: “$12 an hour, free housing, and a chance to learn English.” Her temporary work visa had cost thousands in “fees,” which the recruiter said she could repay from her first months of wages. But the free housing was a crowded motel room with six other women. The “fees” kept growing. Her passport was locked in a supervisor’s desk “for safety.” Twelve-hour shifts stretched into sixteen. If she complained, the supervisor reminded her that she “owed” the company and could be sent home in debt, or reported to immigration. Rosa wasn’t chained. She could walk to and from work. Yet every part of her life, documents, debt, threats, and isolation, was controlled.

Rosa didn’t know it had a name. It does: labor trafficking.

What is labor trafficking?

Under U.S. law, labor trafficking (also called forced labor) occurs when someone obtains another person’s labor or services through force, fraud, or coercion. This includes threats of serious harm, schemes, abuse of legal process (for example, threatening deportation), or withholding documents and wages to compel work. 

Globally, the International Labour Organization (ILO) estimates 27.6 million people are in forced labor on any given day. A 2021 report estimated that 50 million people are in “modern slavery,” which also includes forced marriage.  In 2024, the ILO reported that illegal profits from forced labor in the private economy reached $236 billion annually, a 37% increase over a decade; this is evidence that coercion is lucrative for traffickers and intermediaries. 

AdobeStock_36854977. Black Businessman holding black bag full money. By RODWORKS
AdobeStock_36854977. Businessman holding a bag full of money. By RODWORKS

How does it happen? The “means” traffickers use

The ILO identifies 11 indicators that commonly appear in forced labor situations. You rarely need all 11 to determine risk; one or more strong indicators can be enough to signal danger. These are abuse of vulnerability, deception, restriction of movement, isolation, physical or sexual violence, intimidation and threats, retention of identity documents, withholding wages, debt bondage, abusive working and living conditions, and excessive overtime. 

Rosa’s story shows several in practice:

  • Debt bondage via unlawful recruitment fees and deductions.
  • Withholding documents (passport confiscation).
  • Threats and abuse of legal process (“We’ll call immigration”).
  • Excessive overtime and abusive conditions.

These tactics can entrap anyone, citizens and migrants, men and women, adults and youth.

AdobeStock_321877815-1. Man putting smartphone, passport and money into safe. By New Africa
AdobeStock_321877815-1. Man putting smartphone, passport and money into safe. By New Africa

Where labor trafficking shows up (it’s closer than you think)

Contrary to the myth that labor trafficking only happens “somewhere else,” it also occurs in wealthy countries, including the United States, across both hidden and highly visible industries. 

  1. Agriculture, forestry, and food processing: Seasonal, remote worksites and complex contracting chains create risk. Temporary visa programs (such as H-2A for agriculture and H-2B for non-agricultural seasonal work) can be both lifelines and levers for coercion when employers or labor brokers retaliate or threaten to withhold visa renewals. The Hotline data and policy research from Polaris Project detail cases involving wage theft, unsafe housing, and retaliation.
  2. Hospitality, cleaning, and landscaping: Hotels, resorts, commercial cleaning, and landscaping often rely on subcontractors and staffing agencies, which can obscure who is responsible for wages, safety, and housing. The National Human Trafficking Hotline has identified hundreds of potential victims linked to hospitality supply chains.
  3. Construction and manufacturing: Long hours, dangerous sites, and layers of subcontracting elevate the risk of coercion, document retention, and threats. The ILO’s indicators surface repeatedly in these sectors.
  4. Domestic work and caregiving: Workers in private homes can be isolated from the public and regulators, leaving them vulnerable to withheld wages, restricted movement, and threats. The ILO’s global estimates include millions of cases of domestic work under forced labor.
  5. Seafood and global supply chains: Beyond U.S. borders, supply chains can mask the use of forced labor in fishing, seafood processing, apparel, electronics, and more. The U.S. Department of Labor’s List of Goods Produced by Child Labor or Forced Labor is a sobering catalog, as it lists 204 goods from 82 countries (as of Sept. 5, 2024). Policymakers and purchasers use it to identify high-risk imports and improve due diligence.

AdobeStock_573441418. Exhausted little girl sitting on floor concrete wall background. child labor and exploitation
AdobeStock_573441418.  Exhausted little girl sitting on floor – labor exploitation. By AungMyo

State action and import bans

In recent years, the U.S. has restricted imports tied to forced labor under the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act (UFLPA) and other authorities, adding companies to enforcement lists and blocking imports in sectors such as footwear, aluminum, and seafood. These steps matter because cutting off profits reduces incentives to exploit. 

Common threads: What to watch for

While every case is unique, patterns repeat:

  1. Recruitment fees and debt: Workers are charged unlawful or inflated fees by recruiters. Debts balloon through deductions for housing, equipment, or transport, paid back through labor; the worker can’t freely leave.
  2. Document confiscation: Passports, IDs, or visas are held “for safekeeping,” removing mobility and increasing fear.
  3. Threats and abuse of legal process: Supervisors threaten deportation, blacklisting, or calling the police if workers complain.
  4. Isolation: Workers are transported to remote sites, housed on-site, or told not to speak to neighbors, customers, or inspectors.
  5. Wage theft and excessive overtime: Unpaid overtime, below-minimum wages, or pay withheld until a season ends.
  6. Subcontracting opacity: When multiple entities sit between the worker and the brand, accountability gets murky, and traffickers exploit the gaps.

Who is at risk?

Anyone facing economic hardship, discrimination, or a lack of legal protections can be targeted. Migrant workers, especially those whose visas tie them to a single employer, can be especially vulnerable to coercion. Data from the National Human Trafficking Hotline’s analysis shows thousands of victims holding temporary visas at the time of their abuse. 

But vulnerability isn’t limited to migrants. Youth aging out of care, people in debt or homelessness, and disaster-displaced families are at an elevated risk of labor exploitation. Traffickers prey on need, not nationality.

AdobeStock_265465062. Teenage girl with other homeless people receiving food.By New Africa
AdobeStock_265465062. Teenage girl with other homeless people receiving food. By New Africa

How is labor trafficking different from “regular” workplace abuse?

Workplace violations (like unpaid overtime) are serious and enforceable through agencies like the U.S. Department of Labor, but they are not all trafficking. Trafficking involves a compelling mechanism (force, fraud, or coercion) that deprives a worker of a meaningful choice to leave. If you see indicators like debt bondage, document confiscation, or threats of serious harm or deportation, you may be looking at forced labor, which is a crime. 

What progress looks like

Governments, companies, and civil society have tools to reduce risk:

But the profit motive remains powerful, given the staggering $236B in illegal profits stemming from forced labor, so vigilance and reporting are critical. 

AdobeStock_475597494.jpeg. "Ban goods made with forced labor " By AndriiKoval
AdobeStock_475597494.jpeg. “Ban goods made with forced labor ” By AndriiKoval

How you can help (even if you’re not sure it’s trafficking)

You don’t have to decide whether a situation is “definitely” trafficking. If you notice multiple indicators, such as debts used to control, threats, confiscated documents, isolation, abusive conditions, withheld wages, or excessive overtime, say something. Trained specialists can sort out whether it’s a labor law violation, trafficking, or both, and connect people to help.

In the United States

  • National Human Trafficking Hotline – 1-888-373-7888 (24/7), text “BEFREE” (233733), or online report/chat: humantraffickinghotline.org. (The hotline is supported by Health and Human Services and is transitioning operators; the number and channels remain active.)
  • DHS Blue Campaign / ICE HSI Tip Line – To reach federal law enforcement directly about suspected trafficking or smuggling: 1-866-347-2423 or submit an online tip.
  • U.S. Department of Labor, Wage & Hour Division (WHD) – For wage theft, child labor, or overtime violations that may overlap with trafficking: 1-866-4-US-WAGE (1-866-487-9243) or file a complaint online.
  • OSHA – For unsafe or abusive working conditions posing imminent danger: 1-800-321-OSHA (6742).
  • 911 – If someone is in immediate danger.

If you’re an employer or community leader, post these numbers in break rooms, faith centers, and shelters—and ensure reporting won’t trigger retaliation.

Bringing it back to Rosa

One winter night, a guest slipped Rosa a folded flyer with a number and the words: “You have rights.” She called during her only free hour. The advocate didn’t ask her to be certain; they asked about indicators, debt, documents, threats, wages, and hours, and created a safety plan. Law enforcement and labor investigators coordinated with a local nonprofit. Rosa got her passport back, moved into safe housing, recovered wages, and started English classes. She still cleans rooms, but now she does it on her own terms, and she keeps extra copies of that number in her apron pocket.

AdobeStock_239599722.jpeg. Young chambermaid with clean towels in bedroomBy New Africa
AdobeStock_239599722.jpeg. Young chambermaid with clean towels in bedroom By New Africa

If you or someone you know might be experiencing labor trafficking:

You don’t need to be sure. Calling could be the beginning of someone’s freedom.

Unchained hands raised to the sky
AdobeStock_54553304. Formerly tied hands raised to the sky. By Marina

*The name and story used are a representation of labor trafficking victims.

Thailand’s Uyghur Crisis: A Decade of Detention and Desperation 

Forty-eight Uyghur men have been held in detention facilities throughout Thailand for more than ten years. Trapped in a diplomatic limbo that perfectly captures the clash of international politics, human rights violations, and the suffering of an oppressed minority. These men, who are members of a Muslim ethnic group from China’s Xinjiang province that speaks Turkic, left their country in search of safety from systemic persecution. But rather than escaping to safety, they now risk being forcibly deported back to a government notorious for its cruel treatment of Uyghurs. 

150 Uyghurs and supporters protested in Berlin after July 2009 Ürümqi riots.
Image 1: 150 Uyghurs and supporters protested in Berlin after July 2009 Ürümqi riots. Source: Claudia Himmelreich, Creative Commons

Who Are the Uyghurs? 

The northwest Chinese province of Xinjiang is home to the Uyghurs, who are an ethnic minority whose population is predominately Muslim. International human rights organizations have repeatedly reported serious violations in Xinjiang, such as forced labor, mass detentions, cultural erasure, and even accusations of genocide. The so-called “re-education camps” in China have imprisoned more than a million Uyghurs and subjected them to psychological abuse, forced sterilization, and indoctrination. 

Many Uyghurs have left China in search of safety, often going across Southeast Asia in dangerous conditions. Thailand’s close proximity has made it a popular transit country. However, many Uyghurs have been held in overcrowded facilities indefinitely instead of being granted refuge. 

Thailand’s Role: A Decade of Detention 

Nearly 350 Uyghurs, including women and children, were detained by Thai police in 2014 under the pretense of being “illegal immigrants.” Some, most notably the forty-eight men, were left behind in Thailand. Others were later sent to Turkey, a country that shares cultural and theological similarities with the Uyghurs. The individuals detained in Thailand have suffered horrendous conditions in prison over the years, with no access to healthcare, sunlight, or legal protection. 

When Thai authorities forced the captives to sign “voluntary return” forms in January 2025, their situation worsened. In a desperate protest against their protracted incarceration and impending deportation, the Uyghurs refused to comply and on January 10 began a hunger strike. 

Fears of Refoulement 

Human rights organizations are incensed by the idea of sending these men to China. The cornerstone of international refugee law, the principle of non-refoulement, would be broken by such acts, according to Human Rights Watch and other groups. Countries are not allowed to send people back to places where they risk threats of torture, cruel treatment, or persecution under the principle of non-refoulement. 

There is little uncertainty on the fate of deported Uyghurs given China’s history in Xinjiang. Prior examples have shown that repatriated individuals are subject to substantial prison sentences, forced confessions, and immediate detention. “Deporting these men to China would be a death sentence. Thailand must resist political pressure and prioritize human rights.” said Elaine Pearson, Asia Director for Human Rights Watch, urging Thailand to honor its international obligations. 

Thailand’s Political Calculations 

A larger battle to achieve a balance between national policies, international commitments, and geopolitical influences is seen in Thailand’s treatment of the Uyghur captives. Thailand has historically refrained from ratifying the 1951 Refugee Convention due to worries about illegal immigration and sovereignty, and the nation’s dependence on Chinese commerce and investment makes it more difficult for it to stand firmly against Beijing. 

Despite widespread outrage, Thailand deported 109 Uyghurs to China in 2015. Chinese state media aired videos of deportees arriving in shackles and clearly distressed. The incident showed the impact of China’s global reach while also drawing harsh criticism from the UN and other international organizations. 

Uyghur children in old town Kashgar, China.
Image 2: Child’s play – Uyghur children in old town Kashgar, China. Source: Sherpas 428, Creative Commons

Hunger Strike 

The severe physical and psychological effects of indefinite incarceration are brought to light by the ongoing hunger strike. Hunger strikes, which represent the captives’ desperation, have long been used as a nonviolent protest tactic. Prolonged hunger strikes can cause organ failure, permanent health problems, and even death, according to medical professionals. However, for many Uyghurs, the risks of being detained or deported forcibly are greater than the risks of protesting. 

The detainees’ relatives have pleaded with Thai authorities to step in. In an impassioned appeal, a relative of one detained stated, “They are not criminals; they are victims… Sending them back to China is the same as signing their death warrants.” 

International Responses 

The plight of Thailand’s Uyghur prisoners has drawn attention from throughout the world. Foreign governments and advocacy organizations have called on Thailand to free the inmates and give them safe transportation to third countries that are prepared to take them in. Turkey is still a possible destination because of its sizable Uyghur diaspora. These attempts are complicated, however, given political tensions between Beijing and Ankara.  

International human rights standards are being broken by Thailand’s ongoing detention of the Uyghurs. Even though Thailand is not a member to the Refugee Convention, the UNHCR has reminded it of its duties under customary international law to prevent refoulement. 

Broader Implications 

Thailand’s Uyghur crisis is not an isolated event; rather, it is a part of a wider trend of Southeast Asian nations facing refugee challenges. Regarding their handling of Uyghur asylum seekers, Malaysia and Indonesia have also come under fire, frequently pointing to Chinese diplomatic pressure and domestic security concerns. 

Furthermore, Thailand’s actions established a concerning precedent. Global human rights frameworks are weakened if strong countries like China can apply enough pressure to compel weaker states to violate international rules. It also calls into question how international organizations hold nations responsible. 

A Path Forward 

The ongoing crisis calls for immediate action to protect the rights and lives of the detained Uyghurs. Here are some thoughts on how they should proceed: 

Release and Resettlement: Thailand should release the detainees and work with international organizations to facilitate their resettlement in third countries willing to accept them, such as Turkey or Canada. 

Strengthened Legal Protections: Thailand should consider ratifying the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol, thereby aligning its policies with international human rights standards. 

Increased International Pressure: The global community, particularly Western nations, should intensify diplomatic efforts to prevent deportations and ensure the detainees’ safety. 

Monitoring and Transparency: Independent observers should be granted access to monitor the conditions of Uyghur detainees in Thailand to ensure compliance with human rights norms. 

Addressing Root Causes: The international community needs to hold China accountable for its actions in Xinjiang, addressing the root causes that force Uyghurs to flee their homeland. 

Looking Ahead 

The situation of the forty-eight Uyghur men who are being held captive in Thailand serves as an alarming example of the human cost of international indifference and geopolitical scheming. Unless Thailand and the international world step in, these people, who escaped unspeakable oppression, now face a bleak future. Respecting the values of refugee protection and human rights is not only a moral obligation but also a test of our shared humanity. 

There is, nevertheless, hope for a solution that puts human rights and international collaboration first, even though the situation is still grave. Thailand can establish a standard for treating refugees humanely and solidify its standing as a responsible global actor if it takes the appropriate actions. The future of the Uyghur captives is in jeopardy, but a fair resolution is hopefully achievable with enough advocacy. 

Human Rights Concerns About the 2024 Austrian National Council Elections

The recent National Council elections in Austria, held on September 29th, saw the rise of the Freedom Party (FPO), as they won a plurality of the total vote and overtook the current administration in support. This far-right party has maintained moderate support since its founding in 1956; however, in the past few years, it has seen both a sizeable shift towards conservatism and a significant uptick in support. While only 28.8% of the total vote was garnered, this was more than the Austrian People’s Party’s (OVP) 26.3%, which, up until this election, held the most parliamentary seats. This electoral success has increased FPO representation in the National Council, now having 57 out of 183 total seats. While it seems unlikely that the party will be able to form a coalition and thus achieve a majority in government, this victory still raises questions regarding minority rights and foreign policy and warrants concern due to Austria’s history with far-right regimes. This rise in conservatism also follows a general shift to the right among European countries, making Austria and its surrounding states worthy of monitoring. 

A crowd of Austrian citizens rally together in support of the Freedom Party.
Image 1: Austrians rally in support of the FPO. Source: Yahoo Images

Austrian Government: Structure and History

Structure 

The Austrian government is a parliamentary system, meaning the percentage a party gains through voting directly translates into representation in government. Similarly, the country is home to numerous political parties, meaning multiple political platforms can receive representation. Considered the backbone of the Austrian government, the National Council is where bills are developed into laws before being passed over for Federal approval. It has a total of 187 seats. Having multiple platforms represented means that parties rarely receive an outright majority, forcing movements to coalesce or form political alliances with one another. This way, legislation can be passed quickly since a majority is held. This system allows for accurate representation of the country’s political views; however, without some sort of coalition, the government might not be able to agree on policies, thus leading to a stalemate. 

Impacts of Modern History

Modern history plays an important role in Austria’s political landscape of today. During World War Two, Austria was ruled by the Nazi regime after being annexed into the German Reich. Under this leadership, discriminatory legislation was codified, subjecting Jewish and other minority groups to grossly inhumane treatment. Following the war, the country came under Allied occupation, ultimately leading to its independence in 1955. During this time, Austria declared itself a neutral nation and was generally center-right in social and economic policy. It was also around this time that the FPO was founded by a former Nazi officer.  However, the policies were regarded as fitting the center-right norm. Since then, the FPO has slowly gained national recognition and pushed itself to the right, blossoming throughout the 1990s and early 2000s. 2017 showed the biggest jump in support with the FPO forming a coalition with the OVP, causing a noticeable shift to the right within the government, especially regarding views on immigration, Islam, and Austria’s role in the European Union. Though this coalition ultimately collapsed two years later, this period led to a normalization of right-wing and discriminatory rhetoric, setting the path for increased support of the FPO.

Image 2: Herbert Kickl stands in front of a crowd of supporters, all holding pro-FPO signs.
Image 2: FPO leader Herbert Kickl stands amongst supporters. Source: Yahoo Images

FPO: Policies and Potential Implications Regarding Human Rights

Anti-Immigration 

The FPO has taken a strong stance against immigration, with its party manifesto claiming that “Austria is not a country of immigration.” The party argues that by minimizing immigrants within the country, taxes can be lowered while still maintaining social welfare programs, going along with its proposal of welfare attached to citizenship. Furthermore, the FPO has shown interest in deportation, lowering accepted asylum claims, and banning new immigrants from entering the country based on family unification. Party leader Herbert Kickl has also shared his belief that migrants who “refuse to assimilate” should lose their citizenship and be forced out of the country. This anti-immigration attitude is additionally concerning when considering the refugee crisis occurring within Europe. The war in Ukraine, civil war in Syria, and earthquakes in Turkey have led to a dramatic increase in asylum claims throughout the continent. Limiting immigration can have detrimental effects on refugees seeking safety, basic necessities, and better living conditions for themselves and their families. 

Islamophobia 

The FPO has uncharitable views on Islam, claiming it will pass a law to ban so-called “political Islam” and utilizing the slogan “Home, not Islam” during its campaign. This follows a general rise in Islamophobia throughout Austria, with an increase in anti-Muslim-related attacks in the past year, and anti-Muslim policies being implemented in 2015. These policies are argued to have violated Austria’s right to religious freedom, as they banned the use of Islam-related foreign funding and increased state surveillance over Islamic institutions. 

Kickl’s proposed ban on political Islam continues Austria’s pattern of violating its citizens’ constitutional right to religious freedom and gives the government more power to legally carry out anti-Muslim acts. 

Gender and Sexuality

The FPO holds extremely conservative views on issues regarding gender and sexuality. The party is against same-sex marriage, writing out in its manifesto that “We are committed to the primacy of marriage between a man and a woman as a distinct way of protecting child welfare.” The movement also hopes to codify the existence of only two genders in the constitution, exclude transgender athletes from participating in sports competitions, and ban the public use of gender-inclusive language. Harmful rhetoric has also been utilized by the campaign, deeming increased representation and inclusivity of LGBTQ+ members as “propaganda” and “indoctrination.” This is part of a broader agenda to reinstate traditional gender norms and conservative family values. The passing of such discriminatory legislation would further marginalize members of the LGBTQ+ community, limiting their personal autonomy and ability to freely navigate their lives. 

Foreign Policy

One key component of the FPO’s foreign policy revolves around its skepticism of the European Union, believing the institution holds too much power over signatory countries. In July 2024, the party joined Patriots for Europe, a far-right European Parliamentary group. This movement is supported by various right-wing parties found around the EU. Its platform is centered around weakening the authority of the EU and takes a strong stance against illegal immigration and the implementation of and adherence to the European Green New Deal. Similarly, the FPO is against providing aid to Ukraine on the premise of its 1955 commitment to neutrality. It also rejects the EU’s sanctions on Russia. These ties go back further than Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, with evidence showing that FPO leader Herbert Kickl might have ties to Russian intelligence agencies. These behaviors show a turn away from the commitments of the European Union and alignment with other Eurosceptic countries.

Austrians manage a table asking citizens to sign a petition for Austria to leave the European Union.
Image 3: Austrian citizens take signatures to exit the European Union. Source: Yahoo Images

Kickl Controversies

Party leader Herbert Kickl has also been part of numerous controversies, raising questions about the intentions of the FPO and his ability to coalesce. One major issue has been his use of Nazi rhetoric, with his team labeling him as “Volkskanzler,” meaning “people’s chancellor,” a term used to describe Hitler during his reign. Similarly, Kickl gave a speech in which he accused centrist politicians of “Volksverrat,” or “treason against the people.” Again, this term was often used by Hitler and the greater Nazi regime. Kickl has also verbalized his support for the Identitarian Movement, a platform that, at its core, argues for the upholding and protection of white supremacy. He has also utilized hateful rhetoric specifically targeted toward the Muslim community. Throughout his time in politics, he has argued that Islamist fundamentalists should be deported, that hijab-wearing should be banned, and that anti-Semitism within Austria is the fault of Islamic teachings and not due to their Nazi history. Kickl has also been vocal about his opposition to vaccines, claiming COVID-19 vaccinations are “a genetic engineering experiment.” 

Due to his countless controversies, the OVP is not seeking a coalition with the FPO, making it unlikely that Kickl and his party will reach a majority within the parliament. While this may ring true, the rise in Kickl’s support highlights the normalization of discriminatory and science-reluctant rhetoric throughout the country, along with aligning with a broader shift towards conservatism within Central Europe as a whole. 

Conclusion 

Though it is unlikely that Kickl and his party will gain a majority within the parliament, the ability of this far-right movement to gain a plurality signals a broader shift in the country towards conservatism. Not only this, but it highlights the normalization of harmful rhetoric against minority and historically mistreated groups. While FPO’s influence might be limited, the situation in Austria warrants being monitored due to its past with extremist regimes. Similarly, this follows a trend towards conservatism among other European countries, such as Hungary, Italy, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic, which might also have serious implications regarding the commitments and authority of the European Union.

Geography’s Facilitation of Injustice

In studying human rights, it is important to consider the factors that play a role in facilitating injustices. What makes it so easy for governments to displace thousands of people or allow its citizens to live among and ingest chemical waste for decades at a time? I have seen too many instances that could have been avoided, so let’s look at why they were not. This week, I took a deep dive into the geographical landscapes of injustice across the globe and how they play a role in facilitating nation’s violations of human rights practice.

Sudan and the Merowe Dam

My last post focused heavily on South Sudan and how the absence of positive peace practices made way for an influx of human rights violations. After further research, I found that Sudan has a history of these violations which are made more frequent by both the sociological and geographical makeup of the landscape. A study performed in 2013 by Kleinitz and Näser looks at the political narrative versus the narrative told by those on the ground, and the contradictions are astounding. The geographical landscapes in South Sudan have allowed for the government to marginalize and violate certain groups’ human rights, and despite the constant outcry for emphasis on positive change through NGOs like Amnesty International, the instances persist.

In the late 1980s, the Sudanese government devised a plan to construct the fourth of a multi-dam project, the Merowe Dam, along the Nile River meant to expand Sudan’s power grid, pushing promises of sustainability to all citizens. Despite financial issues, Sudanese officials rallied monetary support from outside countries, mainly China, and construction began in the early 2000s. Although the dam was meant to be a major technological advancement, the initiative received major pushback from locals who had been settled along the edge of the dam for decades. An effort and fight to preserve their cultural and physical heritage ensued. The government was not swayed. After years of protest met with violent and at times fatal state oppression, tens of thousands of Sudanese began to be forcibly displaced with thousands being killed in the process.

Sudan woman sits on edge of twin bed frame in flooded area

Geography cannot be ignored in this case. As the study states, those that were settled by the edge of the damn were communities of lower-class, peasants and farmers of the Sudanese society who had settled along the Nile decades before to be close to natural resources as agriculture was their main source of livelihood. As the resettlement continued, Sudanese settled along the site of the new Merowe Dam were moved to areas with little or no sanitation, the government decided what was to be salvaged and their homelands were flooded for a project that would ultimately experience several failures.

Regardless of what the reality of the situation was on the ground, the Sudanese government continued to push the Merowe Dam project as a success for the nation. Narratives of the aftermath and on the effects of the dam are strongly led by officials on the socioeconomic level that allows them to live downstream (the area of the Nile unaffected by the negative outcomes of the resettlement). The story is all too familiar and can be found in other instances of time and place across the globe.

The Bhopal Gas Disaster

Another unfortunate but applicable example of geography facilitating human rights violations is the Bhopal disaster that occurred in India the night of December 2nd, 1984. This case is devastating and never receives the coverage it deserves. Bhopal, like many other cities, is divvied up geographically by caste and class, which proved to be extremely unfortunate for some on the night of December 2nd. More than 40 tons of methyl isocyanate, a deadly gas, leaked into the city of Bhopal that night from a nearby Union Carbide factory. Coincidentally, the heavy gas settled in the city and had a deadly effect on lower-class citizens living in the valleys of Bhopal while upper-class citizens literally at a higher altitude slept through the night, most unaware that anything had taken place. At first glance, the case of the Bhopal disaster looks like a simple accident, but a closer look at the socioeconomic makeup of the city and continued violations tells us a different story.

Woman holding a sign in a crowd that reads "30 years is enough! Justice in Bhopal now!!"

I had the opportunity to talk with a survivor of the Bhopal disaster, Bixit Di, via Zoom during a Human Rights course this semester and find out more about how families were and still are being treated on the ground all these decades later. Those who lost loved ones and experience lifelong medical issues because of the Bhopal disaster are still receiving limited healthcare or acknowledgement from the government that knowingly put them in harm’s way. During a mute effort to relocate survivors of the disaster, Indian government offered inexpensive land plots to survivors and their families, knowingly exposing them to both soil and water reservoirs contaminated by the seepage of methyl isocyanide into the surrounding area. The fight for justice is still ongoing today.

Birmingham Redlining

Now let’s look at our city. Are geographical landscapes shaping any of the rights violations we see today or in the past? Of course! I have stated that it’s a global issue, so let’s take the time to sweep in front of our own front doors for once. The history of Birmingham’s geography is quite complex and heavily racially charged. In the 1930s, the United States began the illegal practice of Redlining (a term that refers to mortgage companies denying loans for homes in lower class or POC neighborhoods). Redlining was originally put in place to keep African Americans and other minorities from home ownership, but the practice had lasting effects on the geography of our city that can still be seen today.

Map of Redlined neighborhoods in Birmingham, AL, 1930
Map of Redlined neighborhoods in Birmingham, AL, 1930

Areas like Collegeville, Tarrant, Eastlake, Ensley and Mason City are at the heart of locations for Redlined neighborhoods during the 1930s. All these neighborhoods have a few things in common: they are majority POC, close vicinity to an industrial plant (whether active or inactive), and a recurrence of low income, marginalized households. The Environmental protection groups have issued several cases against Bluestone Coke, a company that has for years, despite inoperable ovens, been leaking toxic waste into the soil and waterways of these neighborhoods. Comparisons can be found across these cases both in the lack of attention they are receiving on a global scale as well as how geography facilitates the violation of human rights specifically as it pertains to articles 3, 6, 7, 22 and 25.

Infamous ABC Coke plant spits fire from its furnace in Tarrant, AL

Geography and landscapes have been used in the past and are unfortunately continuing to have negative effects in the present that actively violate citizen’s rights as listed in the UDHR. Some examples I have covered from around the globe include methods of forced resettlement, environmental injustice and health hazards as well as discrimination and lack of protection from government for marginalized groups. By acknowledging both the past and present effects of these landscapes and the power that they represent, small moves can be made toward big change starting in cities like ours.

Femicides in Mexico

By Abigail Shumate

Content warning: This blog contains references to violence and murder.

Introduction

The femicide crisis in Mexico can be best exemplified in the quote, “What is happening in Mexico is a gigantic tragedy, a humanitarian catastrophe”—a statement made by Lucy Diaz Genao, a representative of Colectivo Solecitos (Sunshine Collective). Colectivo Solecitos is a group of women searching for their disappeared relatives, known as madre buscadoras.

Genao is not overstating her concern for the issues in Mexico, as every year more and more people, mostly women and children, are reported missing with little to no action done by government officials to find them. Every day, approximately ten women are murdered, resulting in a staggering 3,754 deaths in 2022. These deaths are rarely investigated as femicide, with less than a third of them given the proper acknowledgment that they deserve. Not only are they not presented as femicide, but they are also often presented as accidental, with manslaughter being the most frequent classification. It is possible that this misrepresentation is done so that the Mexican government can downplay the severity of femicide within the country. There are countless factors perpetuating the violence against women in Mexico, with some of the major reasons being cultural machismo, domestic violence issues, and a flawed justice system.

 

Image Description: A large pink banner with "En Busca De Nuestros Corazones" and "Madres Buscadores" written across the middle. There are many images of disappeared people. Source: https://www.flickr.com/photos/filguadalajara/53368996982/in/photolist-2pj34HD-2pj8EbH-2pja1kA-2pj34so-2pj34n8-2pj9iQb-2pja1gc-2pj34eC-2pja2pQ-2pj9ZZR-2pj9ZCt-2pj7GEv-2pj8Ept-2pj8EkA-2pj34Fu-2pj33ZQ-2pj8DJf-2pj9hM9-2pj34qz-2pja1rx-2hS7sD8-2nmdgdT-2pj8Dww-2nmdg8H-2nmdgpE-ULdzFe-UUkAHs-UXQmFc-TFsA3Q-TFswrS-UUkBAu-UXQnGF-UXQozT-TFsyG3-2nmdgiH-2nmdco6-ULdAX2-2nm7Utq-2nm7U3L-2nmdcJ6-2nmfHX7-2nmfHM2-2nm7UmM-ULdAcV-2nmeqmr
Image Description: A large pink banner with “En Busca De Nuestros Corazones” and “Madres Buscadores” written across the middle. There are many images of disappeared people. Source: Flickr

 

A Flawed Justice System

The flaws in the justice system are numerous, with some major problems being insecure crime scenes and the removal of objects that could be evidence in cases. One specific occasion of this is with Diana Velázquez. Velázques was killed after numerous brutalities were committed against her—both physical and sexual—and then her body was abandoned by a warehouse. The investigation was quickly mishandled when Veláquez’s body was misidentified as a man. This is obviously problematic in many ways, one of which is that Veláquez’s family could not find her for some time. When she was finally found, she was heavily decomposing on the patio of a morgue. While these factors are more than enough to emphasize the missteps within the justice system, the mismanagement of the case does not end there. Authorities lost Veláquez’s clothing, which was vital in collecting DNA and identifying her killer. Her family got minimal closure, and because of the flaws in the investigation, only one suspect was apprehended and convicted.

This is one case out of thousands as the violence against women comes in shocking waves. The crimes are handled so poorly that it incentivizes individuals to continue committing acts of violence. It is vital for the Mexican government to take a firm stance against femicide and provide more cohesive measures to prevent and punish the murders.

Gender-based violence is not new in concept; however, femicide is new in terms of legal codes in Mexico, and it was first made a distinct crime category in 2012. This demonstrates progress, but the negative implications of it being so recent are numerous. For one, there is little uniformity in this classification, so many femicides may go undocumented as such. The incorrect documentation of the crime underemphasizes the problem, and it encourages those in law enforcement to put less focus on the roots of the problem, like machismo culture and domestic violence.

 

Machismo Culture and Domestic Violence

Mexico’s machismo culture is another large factor attributing to the abundance of femicides in the country. Machismo is “the set of ideals and beliefs that support the notion that men are superior to women. Men…must protect the vulnerable, usually by exercising control over women.”. This forces women into a more subordinate role and allows men to enforce their dominance. Gender discrimination leads directly to gender violence, and gender violence rooted in patriarchy has been increasing steadily every year.

A national survey disclosed that 70.1% of women in Mexico have experienced violence, and 39.9% of that violence came directly from a partner. Intimate partner violence is prevalent in Mexico, and it is on the rise.

Women are stuck living in fear, as their perpetrators are often given minimal sentencing if prosecuted at all. Domestic violence perpetrators are given much lower sentencing than those who commit murder or femicide, so women are often left to face their abuser after the sentencing.

These gender biases amongst judges and prosecutors also lead to victims gaining little to no protection. Described as “institutional neglect” by journalist Gloria Piña, Piña laments, “There are no legal consequences for killing women, [and] the State will do nothing to financially take care of victims.” This state-based discrimination dissuades victims from coming forward, as it will often just result in angering their significant other. Exorbitant fines prevent women from speaking up, so why waste money on a legal process that will result in no justice?

Unique Violence of Femicide

Femicide needs a significant increase in attention from law enforcement and government officials; however, it is not overlooked by the general public. There are major demonstrations throughout the country, happening at least once a week. There are also annual marches honoring International Women’s Day in March. Women have been participating in strikes to fight against gender-based violence in Mexico, but we need the government to intervene.

 

Image Description: two young women in focus at a rally, they both have hand-prints painted on their faces. Source: https://www.flickr.com/photos/184872354@N06/49744059692/in/photolist-bvih4W-L7qA6s-bJd2CZ-rtVfi-5Gvdrf-bvifid-msHvZf-5Gvebb-bJd3bi-2iMHiTA-5nbunA-Rv5kgm-5bmxVs-2jMPAzM-3nZVsB-3SjzVp-2n6feqc-88Azi1-reiTKY-dxQ5cQ-LXb8H-2mU6nVk-26aHZ5b-8fvme5-2no2GWj-JyCGn-2iDjNBF-JuCLL-EHCSU3-Mi2FQ-Mie1p-289k67S-dJNo8E-851QJj-p1u8en-pXdCza-ccTJp-DuVsb-47NUiQ-87LHmC-5uwQAe-5GvdWY-wmoY8-sykhY-9LbV1H-XCjT85-DwPGi-9skWQv-7c3j33-QQM7Zn
Image Description: two young women in focus at a rally, they both have hand-prints painted on their faces. Source: Flickr

 

The homicide rate in Mexico is high, but femicides are uniquely violent. Most killings in Mexico are done with a firearm, but only 21% of femicides are committed with a gun. Most are done by strangulation, suffocation, drowning, knives, and other brutal acts. This emphasizes the personal nature of femicide, and it illustrates how men are able to commit these crimes in more intimate ways, as many of them live with the woman they end up murdering.

Conclusions

The brutality of femicide brings all the elements discussed in this post together—it begins with the machismo culture of Mexico. This allows men to feel superior to women, which leads to physical violence against them. This physical violence is forceful and personal, and they are allowed to get away with these actions because of the flawed legal system in Mexico.

Protection for women and children is the first step. If women are guaranteed safety or even provided more security than they are now, the magnitude of gender-based violence will be better able to be understood as more women come forward. A more cohesive jurisdiction will help women not only feel safer but get the closure that they need and deserve. It is time to place emphasis on women’s rights in Mexico, and it is time to bring an end to the brutal killings of women.

The Unrecognized Effects of the Opioid Crisis on Native Americans

by Abigail Shumate

A Brief History of the Opioid Crisis

Beginning in the late 20th century, opioid prescription rates skyrocketed in shocking numbers, and in just over ten years, opioid sales quadrupled. With the introduction of OxyContin into everyday life and medication sales, an opioid that was falsely advertised as non-addictive, as well as pill mills across the United States, millions of people fell into a deadly addiction. As people lost access to prescription opioids, they often turned to more illicit drugs, such as heroin. This was worsened by the prices of heroin going down, making it much easier for people to afford large quantities of the drug. The use of heroin is often looked at as the second wave of the drug crisis, and heroin deaths surpassed prescription drug deaths in 2015. The third wave of the opioid crisis is where we currently reside, and it is characterized by overdose deaths related to synthetic opioids, such as fentanyl.

Connection to Native Americans and Alaskan Natives

The opioid epidemic has been heavily discussed in the past few years; however, it has been occurring for even longer. Opioid usage affects most groups; however, its large-scale detriment to minority race and ethnicity groups is frequently ignored. Native Americans and Alaskan Natives (here referred to as NA/AN) are disproportionately affected by the opioid crisis, and this discrepancy is ignored by many critical groups.

American Indians have the highest drug overdose death rates, and these rates are not stagnant. The CDC reports that overdose deaths have increased by 33% within the last several years. This pattern of drug abuse and overdose is not isolated to adults, as NA/AN youth also struggle with the use of unauthorized prescription painkillers, with some reports showing as many as 11% of high school students using painkillers without explicit orders from their doctors.

There are many factors that cause NA/AN groups to be affected more heavily than other groups, and these include historical trauma, lower educational attainment, lack of easy access to healthcare, housing problems, poverty, unemployment, violence, and mental health issues. In this post, I will choose to focus on two main reasons: lack of easy access to healthcare and mental health issues caused by lost connection to culture.

Health Disparities in NA/AN Communities

NA/AN groups have serious healthcare inconsistencies that must be addressed for these communities to gain adequate support during the opioid crisis. The Indian Health Service (IHS) is a group that provides care to over 2.2 million people, but it is severely underfunded by Congress. As this is one of the main organizations providing healthcare access to NA/AN groups, this underfunding affects millions of lives. To put these funding issues in perspective, funding would have to almost double to match the degree of care provided to federal prisoners, and it would have to increase by even more to equate to Medicaid benefits.

Alternate Text: Image of white OxyContin bottle with white pills laid out in front. Source: Flickr
Image of white OxyContin bottle with white pills laid out in front. Source: Flickr

Poor healthcare consistently results in the treatment of symptoms instead of causes, and, unfortunately, this means the prescription of opioids. Whether injuries occur from manual labor, physical activity, or driving accidents, NA/AN individuals are more likely to be treated with opioids as opposed to more effective means of treatment, such as physical therapy. Poor healthcare aligns directly with low-quality insurance or no insurance at all, and opioids are more likely to be prescribed in areas with uninsured people.

Mental Health and Cultural Disconnect

The traumatic history of Native American groups has a massive impact on these overdose rates, as forceful deprivation from culture leads not only to issues such as inadequate healthcare and poverty, but also mental health issues, one cause of opioid treatment, these being direct pathways to opioid addictions.

Mental health issues are incredibly prevalent within NA/AN communities, with suicide rates for them being more than double those for the entire U.S. population. NA/AN individuals are also more likely to be diagnosed with anxiety disorders and PTSD. These mental health conditions, when left untreated or inadequately treated, can often lead to drug abuse. The IHS does provide care for mental health and substance abuse issues; however, the already underfunded organization only uses about 10% of these funds to support substance abuse treatment

These mental health issues can be attributed to many things; however, a major force playing into this is the history of trauma amongst Native Americans. This topic could be one if not several, entire blog posts, but here I will attempt to briefly sum it up. It is important to note that there are around 600 federally recognized tribes, so the experiences of NA/AN individuals can vary greatly. One thing most groups share is a prevalent history of displacement and loss of culture. In the late 19th century, the majority of Native American individuals were forced to relocate to reservations or into urban areas. This resulted in a decline in socioeconomic status, which resulted in poor living and working conditions, as well as heightened health issues, both mental and physical.

It is vital to remember that NA/AN groups are underrepresented in major clinical research studies. This results in the general public being unaware of the true extent of issues within these communities. This underrepresentation in research exacerbates the disparities and can easily result in the continuance of the opioid crisis for Native Americans with little to no acknowledgement from major government parties. Another impact of inadequate research is misconstrued statistics, and it is likely that the opioid crisis is worse for NA/AN groups than scholars anticipate, as overdose cases may be underestimated by as much as 35% due to race miscalculations.

Alternate Text: Image of a white hospital room with two bed placed in the center. Source: Flickr.
Image of a white hospital room with two bed placed in the center. Source: Flickr.

 

Creating Change

The first thing that needs to be done in order to improve the worsening opioid crisis in NA/AN areas is to improve funding for the Indian Health Service. The United States Congress must take action and increase funding—the funding in 2022 is less than half of what patients need. With adequate health care, individuals with mental health and substance abuse issues will be able to get the help that they need, and, on the more preventative side, with better care, individuals will be less likely to be prescribed opioids as a substitute for proper treatment.

The second action that needs to be taken is better awareness. There needs to be more research devoted to NA/AN groups, so that we are able to pin down what leads to these heightened addiction statistics. Overall, it is vital for individuals to take personal responsibility and increase their own awareness of the issues. Native Americans have been ignored and mistreated for decades, and this must be remedied in the present.

Femicide in Kenya: A Silent Crisis

 

by Grace Ndanu

 

An image with a group of people holding up a banner that reads, "There is no honor in killing!"
An image with a group of people holding up a banner that reads, “There is no honor in killing!” Source: Yahoo Images (free to share and use)

 

In recent years, Kenya has witnessed a horrifying increase in cases of femicide. The alarming statistics paint an ugly picture of the state of women’s safety in the country. This issue goes beyond simple statistics as it represents a deep-rooted problem that demands urgent attention. Femicide in Kenya is not just a crime against women but also a violation of basic human rights and an assault on the fabric of society.

Understanding Femicide

Femicide is not a new phenomenon, but the magnitude of the problem in Kenya is shocking. The term encompasses various forms of violence against women, including domestic violence, rape, honor killings, and dowry-related deaths. These acts are driven by deep-seated beliefs and cultural norms that perpetuate gender inequality and elevate toxic masculinity.

According to a 2020 report by the World Health Organization, Kenya experiences one of the highest rates of femicide in Africa, with an estimated 47 women killed each week. Shockingly, this represents a 50% increase in femicide cases over the past decade. Furthermore, the majority of these cases go unreported or unnoticed due to social and cultural factors, making the situation even more alarming.

The Cultural Factors Behind Femicide

An image of a Maasai woman from Kenya holding her baby at her hips.
An image of a Maasai woman from Kenya holding her baby at her hips. Source: Wikimedia Commons through Yahoo Images (free to use and share)

 

To tackle femicide in Kenya, it is crucial to dig into the cultural factors that contribute to this crisis. Some of these factors include gender roles, traditions, economic disparities, and the normalization of violence.

Gender roles deeply rooted in Kenyan society perpetuate a patriarchal system that devalues women. Women are expected to be submissive, nurturing, and bound by societal norms. Patriarchy creates a culture of power imbalance, where men feel entitled to control and dominate women, both within and outside the household.

Traditional practices, such as female genital mutilation (FGM), child marriages, and wife inheritance, further perpetuate the vulnerability and defeat of women. These practices condone violence against women in the name of cultural preservation and perpetuate harmful gender norms.

Economic disparities play a significant role in intensifying femicide in Kenya. Poverty and lack of access to education, healthcare, and employment opportunities disproportionately affect women. When women are economically dependent on their partners or families, they are often trapped in abusive relationships with no means of escape.

Society’s normalization and acceptance of violence against women contribute to the perpetuation of femicide. Many cases of domestic violence go unreported due to fear, stigma, or lack of trust in the justice system. In some cases, many people, instead of helping, tend to record videos of women being wronged and post them on social media.

Addressing Femicide in Kenya

An image of a group of women from the Women's Ministerial Breakfast in Nairobi, Kenya.
An image of a group of women from the Women’s Ministerial Breakfast in Nairobi, Kenya. Source: Natalia Mroz; UN Environment Programme through Flickr

 

To address femicide in Kenya, a comprehensive approach is necessary. It requires collaboration between the government, civil society, community leaders, and individuals alike. Here are some key steps that can be taken.

Legal Reforms and Enforcement

Restoring the legal framework surrounding violence against women is paramount. Stricter laws targeting offenders, along with their effective implementation, are crucial. Adequate training for law enforcement officials and judicial personnel is also essential to ensure cases are dealt with sensitively and expeditiously.

Education and Awareness

Comprehensive educational programs should be implemented from an early age to challenge harmful gender norms, promote gender equality, and raise awareness about women’s rights. This includes teaching both boys and girls, as well as women and men, about healthy masculinity and respect for women.

Empowerment and Economic Independence

Efforts must be made to empower women economically. This can be achieved through vocational training, access to micro-financing, and opportunities for entrepreneurship. Women who are financially independent are better equipped to escape abusive relationships and have control over their lives.

Support Services and Safe Spaces

Accessible support services, including helplines, shelters, and counseling centers, are crucial for survivors of femicide and domestic violence. These safe spaces provide survivors with the support they need to rebuild their lives and break free from the cycle of abuse.

Community Mobilization

Community leaders, religious institutions, and local organizations play a vital role in challenging harmful cultural practices, promoting gender equality, and raising awareness about femicide. Mobilizing communities to change attitudes and behaviors towards women is essential to create a safer environment for all.

Conclusion

Femicide in Kenya is an urgent crisis that requires immediate attention. It is a reflection of deep-seated gender inequalities and cultural norms that perpetuate violence against women. Addressing this issue demands a comprehensive approach encompassing legal reforms, education, empowerment, and community mobilization. Only through collective efforts can we hope to build a society where women can live without fear, violence, and the threat of femicide. Together, we must strive to create a country that embraces gender equality, respect, and the protection of basic human rights for all.

Modern American Slavery: Forced Prison Labor

by James DeLano

Historical Slavery in the United States 

Slavery was abolished in the United States in 1865 with the ratification of the 13th Amendment. The amendment reads, “Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.” 

At least, that is what I was taught in high school: slavery ended in 1865 with the 13th Amendment. What was not taught was the century and a half of forced labor since then, predicated on an intentional loophole in the 13th Amendment. Activists were active in their denouncement of and work towards ending this system over a century ago, and not much has changed since. 

That loophole was not the only way slavery persisted. Chattel slavery, slavery as it existed in the South prior to 1865, existed in the United States until at least 1963. Mae Louise Walls Miller grew up in rural Louisiana, where she and her family were enslaved. They were freed in 1963, when she was only 14 years old. Her family, possibly the last chattel slaves in the United States, were freed after President Biden graduated high school. This was not an isolated instance; this form of slavery existed in scattered patches across the rural South for decades after the end of the Civil War. 

In this post, I will illustrate how forced prison labor continues to maintain slavery in the United States.The convict leasing system, where people convicted of crimes are “leased” to companies to perform hard labor, started in Alabama in 1846, and their prevalence exploded after the 13th Amendment abolished what was previously the most common form of forced labor. This system was incredibly dangerous; in 1874, a typical death rate was one-third of people working on railroads. A contemporary prison official said that “if tombstones were erected over the graves of all the convicts who fell either by the bullet of the overseer or his guards during the construction of one of the railroads, it would be one continuous graveyard from one end to the other.” Elsewhere, between 1888 and 1896, over 400 people died of tuberculosis contracted while working in Sloss Steel and Iron Company mines. 

Many of those arrested and convicted during this system were sentenced under questionable circumstances. One common situation was being arrested for riding a train without a ticket “by a man who is paid $2 for every person he arrests upon that charge.” After accounting for inflation, $2 in 1907 would be worth over $65 today.

Convicts being forced to work under a convict leasing program in Florida. Source: Yahoo Images
Convicts being forced to work under a convict leasing program in Florida. Source: Yahoo Images

 

Between 1880 and 1900, this system profited over $1,134,107 in saved labor costs, which would be worth nearly $40,000,000 today. It profited $1,322,279 between 1900 and 1906. Alabama banned this method of forced labor in 1928.

Modern American Slavery 

The United States has maintained both the highest incarceration rate of any country in the world and the highest prison population for several years. Two-thirds of inmates in American prisons are also workers in both private-sector and public-sector jobs. Alabama convicts on work-release programs are allegedly paid just over $2 per day.

 

Alabama did not stop using forced prison labor in 1928. A lawsuit was filed in December 2023 alleging gross mistreatment, violations of both the United States and Alabama Constitutions, and instances of retaliation against a convict on work-release due to reporting of sexual harassment. It alleges dangerous working conditions; in August, two convicts were killed while working as part of a road crew. It alleges the intentional violation of parole guidelines in order to continue the system of forced labor as it currently exists in prisons. It also repeats accusations of negligence in regard to healthcare. Antonio Arez Smith was released last year in “excruciating pain” due to untreated cancer. He died four days after his release. The Alabama Department of Corrections (ADOC) stopped releasing inmate death statistics in October after years of increasing rates. 

According to the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), 64% of incarcerated people being forced to work felt unsafe while doing so, and 70% did not receive job training. None of what I have mentioned above is considered enough of a crime to warrant consequences. 

Workers’ protections do not apply to incarcerated people, including minimum wage laws, unionization, and any assurance of workplace safety. None of this should be surprising knowing the text of the 13th Amendment; incarceration is explicitly listed as an exception to the abolishment of slavery, and slaves are not permitted rights. 

A black incarcerated woman sewing with a Department of Corrections label behind her. Source: Yahoo Images
A black incarcerated woman sewing with a Department of Corrections label behind her. Source: Yahoo Images

This form of forced labor is ubiquitous. The lawsuit previously mentioned lists as defendants companies that have become household names: McDonald’s and the parent companies of Wendy’s, KFC, and Burger King. Elsewhere, well-known companies use prison labor as a cost-cutting measure: Amazon, AT&T, Home Depot, FedEx, Lockheed-Martin, and Coca-Cola, as well as thousands more nationwide. 

The Alabama Department of Corrections reported generating over $48,000,000 in 2021, and received hundreds of millions of dollars more from other sources. Most of that was directly appropriated from the state, but it also included federal funding intended for COVID relief. The total sum diverted into the Department of Corrections was $400,000,000, or about one-fifth of the total relief funds. The Treasury Department describes the funds as “support[ing] families and businesses struggling with [the pandemic’s] public health and economic impacts.” Instead of spending it on struggling Alabamians and small Alabama businesses, the state spent its funds on building new prisons despite us already having one of the highest incarceration rates in the country. 

What is Being Done 

The Alabama Department of Corrections is involved in several lawsuits related to alleged misconduct. The aforementioned lawsuit, Council v. Ivey, has a hearing scheduled for February 8th. ADOC is involved in several other lawsuits and has been for decades; Braggs v. Dunn was filed in late 2014 over neglect and remains unresolved, as does a Department of Justice lawsuit filed in late 2020 over critical understaffing. The new Alabama constitution, voted on in 2022, changed the text’s phrasing of its prohibition of slavery. Prior to that vote, it read, “no form of slavery shall exist in this State; and there shall not be any involuntary servitude, otherwise than for the punishment of crime, of which the party shall have been duly convicted.” The equivalent section now reads “That no form of slavery shall exist in this state; and there shall not be any involuntary servitude.” In addition, Congresswoman Nikema Williams and Senators Jeff Merkley and Cory Booker have proposed the federal “Abolition Amendment,” intended to close the prison labor loophole. 

Nationally, prison reform is a coordinated movement. Numerous organizations focusing on prison reform generally also have efforts in place to reform or abolish forced prison labor. I have used sources from the Equal Justice Initiative and the American Civil Liberties Union in this piece. The lawsuits mentioned were filed by current and former Alabama inmates, the Southern Poverty Law Center and Alabama Disability Advocacy Program, and the U.S. Department of Justice. Of those, only Council v. Ivey directly addresses forced labor; the others work towards improving prison conditions more broadly but still contribute to the common goal of reforming prisons.