middle east – UAB Institute for Human Rights Blog

From Stigma to Strategy: Egypt’s Fight Against Cervical Cancer

Egypt, known as the mother of the world, has made headlines for its global health impact. From eradicating malaria to tackling hepatitis C, it has made strides to protect the health of its nation. However, women’s health seems to be on the back burner for the country. Egypt, a country rich in history and culture, remains a country that grapples with stigma and systemic inequality. The health issues still faced by the country are not just surrounding public health, but also human rights.

The Silent Crisis

Cervical cancer is rarely discussed. It is a preventable and treatable disease, primarily caused by infection with human papillomavirus (HPV). This burden is seen throughout the world, but especially the Middle East and North African region, which carries a unique incidence, being 24% in the Sub-Saharan region. Though there is variability through the region, Egypt faces large challenges to approaching HPV reduction. In Egypt, however, this is not frequently discussed, even though a population of 25.76 million women over the age of 15 are at risk of developing cervical cancer due to the lack of interventions that exist. The prevalence of HPV in Egypt in 2014 was 10.4%, with the highest rate occurring in women 45-54 years old. Beyond this, over 800 women die each year from cervical cancer in Egypt, with thousands more facing delayed diagnoses, impacting their ability to respond to treatment. A variety of factors contribute to the development of the illness in Egypt, ranging from knowledge gaps to a lack of vaccines accessible to marginalized communities. The number of infected individuals has been increasing steadily for various reasons, indicating the burden of illness in the country

The silence around cervical cancer is a product of overlapped gender stigma and medical discrimination. Some women have even reported feeling unsafe and scared about mentioning HPV and cervical cancer, due to the perception of external pressure. This results in women feeling less comfortable seeking out information and support before and during the onset of the illness, negatively impacting their outcomes.

Political Barriers

In Egypt, HPV and cervical cancer prevention is not just a medical issue; it is also deeply political. Policies have worked to make healthcare generally less accessible. An example of this was recent legislation passed in 2024. President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi signed legislation that allows private sector entities to operate and manage public health facilities on a for-profit basis. This is dangerous for the citizens of Egypt, especially those who come from lower socioeconomic backgrounds who rely on subsidized healthcare. The consequences of this in terms of HPV prevention are significant; laws like these limit the availability of accessible interventions that individuals can trust long-term, as there would be uncertainty regarding the long-term implications of their results. This mistrust could cause individuals not to seek vaccine opportunities and consequent treatment, if applicable, which would increase the burden of the disease in Egypt overall.

There are some humanitarian barriers that exist to helping reduce the onset of HPV and cervical cancer in Egypt. One is that of humanitarian support. With entities like the WHO and UN mobilizing care to millions across the world, their reach and impact is quite vast. With oncoming political crises, climate change, and more, many high-income countries are leveraging support for their low-income and middle-income peers. However, these programs, integral to global health security, are coupled with concerns about aid effectiveness and donor notices. Historically, donors have rewarded improved outcomes in governance and human rights; however, now, donors have worked to avoid “spillovers,” which is the impact of immigration policies in a country beyond the intended scope into their own country due to instability and migration flow. Though Egypt does not fall into this category as a state risky for aid support, it could be tangentially related. The country has faced many issues, ranging from security to freedom of speech attacks, resulting in lower spending on social protection, health, and education than would otherwise be possible, opening an outlet for the onset of disease in Egypt.

Social Barriers

Identity and culture also influence the onset of HPV as a precursor to cervical cancer. Those born female have an increased risk of developing HPV, a risk that is then compounded by class and socioeconomic status. In Egypt, there were around 1,300 new cases and 744 deaths from cervical cancer in 2023 alone. The incidence to death ratio is alarming considering that cervical cancer is preventable with a vaccine.

A lot of entities have tried to work to see how adverse outcomes in communities can be reduced. Ranging from the Egyptian Society of Women’s Health to NGO sites, there have been some improvements in reducing the HPV and cervical cancer incidence in Egypt. However, these interventions are not being adjusted to support the need of rural communities, leaving them underserved. This results in additional barriers for these communities to gain the access to healthcare they deserve.

HPV and the Fight for Human Rights

The societal silencing of the HPV issue results in additional challenges to addressing the health inequities that are present in Egypt when it comes to cervical cancel. As many women stay quiet about their diagnosis, they are unable to live their best lives and advocate for themselves. Women’s healthcare is a tool to improve life outcomes, and human rights will be best served by working to not only increase access to interventions, but also ensure that they are equitable for all Egyptian women across the world.

The Human Rights Concerns of Migration into North Africa

The human rights violations noted against Sub-Saharan African migrants have been increasing exponentially across North Africa, specifically in Tunisia. Tunisia is a transit country for many migrants to reach Europe, being the most significant departure point for migrants crossing the Mediterranean; the physical actions against migrants and the political bias have inherently made it difficult for many different communities to continue their journey.

History of Sub-Saharan Immigration

Photo 1: Photo of a refugee camp.Source: Flickr — Photo 1: Photo of a refugee camp.
Source: Flickr

For hundreds of years, people have migrated from Sub-Saharan Africa to Northern Africa; in 2020, it was estimated that 61 percent of migrants into North Africa were from Africa. Tunisia has been a key destination because it is relatively stable both socioeconomically and politically. Irregular migration into the country has been pertinent since the early 1990s. However, a surge in migration was observed in 2011, when over 27,000 migrants were intercepted in Tunisia with plans to continue to Europe. A similar spike was noted in early 2020, with over 35,000 migrants intercepted when departing from the country. These values tell the story of those who were intercepted by the government and do not account for those who weren’t able to complete their journey beyond Tunisia.

Largely, migrants from Sub-Saharan Africa are males who have taken the step into a new journey to hopefully promise a better life for their families; these individuals are quite young, being anywhere from 18 to 35 years old. Generally, there are varying reasons why people migrate to Tunisia; data collected in 2018 suggests that 52% of migrants emigrated for economic reasons, 22 percent migrated to study, and 25 percent are potential victims of human trafficking. All of these come via different routes; though land routes are quite popular, an overwhelming majority of migrants from Sub-Saharan Africa come by air travel, leveraging visa-on-arrival opportunities. As these are often three-month tourist visas, many overstay the visa to work in different fields ranging from tourism to hospitality to construction. Beyond those visas, other avenues are explored by migrants to enter Tunisia; one is that of human-smuggling networks. These networks are oftentimes characterized by two-fold movements: into Tunisia via land and then outside of Tunisia via maritime routes. For those without passports, many individuals pay hundreds of dollars to get to North Africa.

Drivers of Migration

When faced with difficulties, many people seek out-migration as an avenue to explore. One reason why migration into Tunisia has increased is economic burdens. The World Bank has estimated that youth unemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa is around 10.2 percent. This has resulted in many youths moving to North Africa to seek out new opportunities.

Another factor is environmental factors. With increased burdens associated with climate change, such as increased temperatures and deteriorating soil quality, it is observed as a driver, as well. By 2025, Sub-Saharan Africa could see as many as 86 million climate migrants; though this number is represented by a value of internal and external migration, this has been a force that has impacted current migration patterns into Tunisia.

Domestic Concerns

To respond to the increased migration, the Tunisian government has had a unique role in the development of action. While Tunisia has been vocal about human rights and has demonstrated international support, the application of their signatures often falls short.

Raids and arrests, outlining attacks against human rights, have been increasing significantly. This, coupled with improper immigration-specialized facilities, has resulted in many people not being treated fairly. These centers have not met international standards, according to international observers like OMCT (World Organization Against Torture), due to inadequate sanitary conditions and poor infrastructure. To respond to these abuses and oversight, the government of Tunisia established the National Authority for the Prevention of Torture, which has unfortunately faced limited access to detention centers, further allowing continuous attacks against the human rights of those in detainment.

Human Right Abuses

Different abuses have been noted against Sub-Saharan migrants in Tunisia. Physical violence has been most prominent during arrests, raids, and detainment. Over 85 percent of Black Africans had reported violence from these security forces. These abuses have been conducted by police, the National Guard, and many other entities.

Medical abuse is also quite prominent as well, especially for those in detention facilities. Many migrants are uneducated about the nuances of Tunisian healthcare in the country and their access rights. This results in inaccurate information being more accessible than a healthcare professional. Within the conversation of accessing healthcare, there is a unique level of pressure put on female migrants; though there are not as many women who migrate to Tunisia, those who do face challenges ranging from building rapport with the health system, accessing insurance information for prenatal care, and navigating social implications of feminine care.

Mental health is also a huge issue for many migrants in Tunisia; an overwhelming 47 percent of migrants experience depression, 10 percent experience adaptation stress, and 9 percent experience PTSD (Post Traumatic Stress Disorder). These, coupled with the general stress of migration and the expectation to reach Europe, can have overwhelming effects on their mental health. Without the resources necessary to treat it, they are left even more vulnerable than when they came.

Economic exploitation is another abuse noted against Sub-Saharan African Migrants in Tunisia. 35% of migrant workers experience poor working conditions, many of whom eventually change jobs for a plethora of reasons ranging from exploitation, which is the most frequent incident, to violence to harassment. As many of these workers participate in the informal economy, as young people generally make up 32 percent of the informal sector, they are not equally as protected compared to those who are in the formal sector.

When looking at the abuses against communities, it is integral that international communities advocate against these injustices and work to support vulnerable communities like migrant ones. Without checks and balances, support is limited for these communities, allowing systematic discrimination to take precedence.

The Forgotten Tragedy of the Yemen Crisis

With the increase in world crises, others become forgotten. Seven years and the Yemen Crisis is still one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world. Unnoticed, unseen, and unheard, the cry for help from the suffering in Yemen has been largely forgotten. Yemen has always been the most vulnerable country in the Middle East, even prior to the 2015 Civil War. With the worst rates of malnutrition, more than half of the Yemeni population has been living in poverty with limited to no access to resources need to live. With such an important, detrimentally impactful crisis, why has there been silence surrounding solutions?

Protestors holding guns chanting something in Yemen — Source: Yahoo Images

Why is there a Crisis?

The Yemen Crisis began with a civil war between the government forces and the Houthis, also known as Ansar Allah. In the past seven years, the residue of the civil war in Yemen continues to worsen tremendously. The conflict has been between the internationally recognized government, backed by the Saudi government, and the Houthi rebels backed by Iran. The war was caused by many factors. Given that Yemen was already one of the poorest Arab countries, any change would cause a political division. These factors include fuel price increasing, the Houthi rebels taking over and causing a military division, and the involvement of Saudi Arabia. Many countries have gotten involved – not to solve the crisis, but to pick the side supporting its agendas and send military equipment and personnel in support of these goals. This has left civilians in grave danger.

Protest during the Yemen War — Source: Yahoo Images

Conditions of the Crisis

The country’s humanitarian crisis is said to be among the worst in the world, due to widespread hunger, disease, and attacks on civilians. There have been around 6 million individuals displaced from their homes since the beginning of the catastrophe. There are 4.3 million civilians internally displaced. As of 2021, Yemen had one of the largest numbers of internally displaced people (IDP) in the world. Many IDPs have been living in a constant state of fear and suffering. Being in a state of exile, having insufficient environmental and living conditions, they have no access to the resources needed to survive day to day. In addition, food insecurity, lack of clean water, healthcare, and sanitation services have caused tremendous issues for countless of civilians still living in Yemen.

Women and Children

In the heart of the crisis, the most affected have been found to be women and children. With the state of the country, inflation, along with scarcity of economic opportunities, many families can no longer afford basic meals, leading to high cases of starvation. Further, many cases of gender-based violence, exploitation, and early marriage are on the rise. Malnutrition rates for women and children in Yemen are the highest in the world. About 1.3 million breastfeeding and pregnant mothers are in need of treatment for malnutrition. There have also been found problems with children being forced to fight in the war. In 2019, there were 1,940 children fighting as soldiers.

Mental Health

Mental health in Yemen has deteriorated over the causes and outcomes of the conflict. Individuals have dealt with losing family members and friends, their homes, suffering from displacement, violence due to war, food insecurity, unemployment, diseases, torture…the list can go on and on. With all these factors causing grief then leading to long term depression, individuals in Yemen are not able to seek the proper resources needed. There are about 30 million people living in Yemen in 2020 but only 59 psychiatrists. Meaning, for every half a million, there was only one psychiatrist. With the mental health stigmas already a huge concern in the Middle East, many individuals either do not know they need mental health services or are not allowed to seek them. For instance, women have to ask for permission from their families, particularly their husbands, in order to seek mental health services.

What is the World doing?

The United Nations (UN) has backed and presented peace negotiations, but it has only seen limited progression. The UN found that regional actors involved in the conflict have played a strong role in slowing down the peace process. Observers of the crisis see that the involvement of Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE, have prolonged the war and worsened its conditions. The response of the world needs to strengthen when dealing with the Yemen crisis. As we have seen support from the world given to the Ukrainian crisis and the crisis in Afghanistan, as a whole, a change is possible. The most important thing we can do is talk about the crisis. This has gone unheard, but with a collective voice we can urge and find a solution.

Children during the Yemen conflict — Source: Yahoo Images

What can you do?

The best thing you can do regarding the Yemen crisis is to educate yourself, engage in conversations, and make others aware of what is happening. Below are a list of books and sources to keep you updated in ways you can help.

The World Food Programmee has created a website with ways you can help

Books to Read:

Yemen: Dancing on the Heads of Snakes – Victoria Clark

2. Tribes and Politics in Yemen: A History of the Houthi Conflict – Marieke Brandt

3. A History of Modern Yemen – Paul Dresch

4. Yemen Divided: The Story of a Failed State in South Arabia – Noel Brehony

Afghanistan: Looking Back to See the Future

Written by Faiza Mawani

Twenty years after the events of September 11, 2001, and the subsequent war on terrorism, the United States military has ended its operations in Afghanistan. The country, ravaged by war and too fragile to stand on its own, was immediately overtaken by the very forces the U.S. sought to defeat. After two decades, three administrations, and 170,000 American lives lost, the U.S. is leaving Afghanistan in much the same shape as it was found.

What is to become of Afghanistan and what toll will the inevitable economic and humanitarian crisis take on its people, many of whom do not know where their next meal will come from? What will happen to a generation of women and girls whose education and employment are now at stake and whose rights are tenuous under the new/old regime? What will happen to the millions of children under five that are expected to become acutely malnourished in the next year? What will happen to those that managed to escape – will they find safe refuge in neighboring countries, or will they suffer the plight of many refugees and displaced peoples around the world? All remains to be seen, but at this point, the outlook is dire. Here we provide a brief history of Afghanistan over the past century and consider what lies ahead for the struggling nation.

Afghanistan: A Retrospective

Afghanistan is located centrally in southeast Asia and shares a border with Iran, Pakistan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan. It is home to at least 14 distinct ethnolinguistic groups, and the mountainous terrain has kept these clans separate and made it difficult for a central government to take hold. The strategic location of the country, however, has made it very enticing to those seeking to procure a hold on southeast Asia. After a period of relative stability after its independence from colonial rule in 1921, the country has been plagued by invasion and power struggles since the 1970s.

In 1953, the pro-Soviet General Mohammad Daoud Khan became prime minister of Afghanistan, and in 1956, Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev agreed to help Khan establish economic and military ties. At this time, women were granted a more public presence and were allowed to attend university and join the workforce. In 1973, Khan abolished the monarchy and replaced it with The Republic of Afghanistan, naming himself president and keeping close ties with the USSR. While creating his new government, Khan proposed a new constitution in which women were granted more rights, and the country set out on a path to modernization. This did not sit well with local clan members who believed in a strict interpretation of the Qur’an, the holy book of Islam. Tensions rose under the surface until they eventually boiled over.

In 1978, an armed revolt broke out in the countryside, led by conservative Islamist and ethnic leaders who were protesting social changes Khan was trying to implement. This group became known as the mujahideen, or “holy warriors.” Backed by the United States, the mujahideen killed Khan, and a full-scale war broke out from 1979 to 1989: communists versus mujahideen. This being the height of the Cold War, the US continued to provide weapons and tactics to the rebels in order to defeat the Soviets.

Around 1988, Saudi Islamist Osama bin Laden founded the group al-Qaida (“the base”). Though the US had backed the mujahideen in defeating the Soviets, bin Laden argued that the US stood as the primary obstacle to the establishment of a truly Islamist state. By 1995, a newly formed Islamist militia, the Taliban, rose to power, promising peace to the war-torn people of Afghanistan. Calling themselves “students of Islamic knowledge,” the Taliban imposed strict sharia law, stripping women and girls of their basic human rights and instituting public floggings and amputations of those who broke the law.

Photo of soldier crouched down pointing gun — Afghanistan. Source: Yahoo Images

The War

September 11, 2001: Al-Qaeda operatives hijack four commercial airliners and crash them into the Twin Towers in New York City and the Pentagon in Washington, D.C. Close to 3,000 people die in the attacks, thousands more are injured, first responders are exposed to toxic fumes that will later be listed as the cause of cancer, and a nation that has never before been attacked on its own soil mourns an incomprehensible loss.

Most of the 9.11 hijackers originated from Saudi Arabia, none from Afghanistan, though the mastermind behind the attack, Osama bin Laden, was operating out of the country. The ruling authority in Afghanistan, the Taliban, was accused of harboring terrorists. In the coming weeks, George W. Bush’s “war on terrorism” provided the U.S. blanket authority to invade any country accused of sympathizing with or aiding Muslim extremists. On October 7, 2001, the U.S. military began a bombing campaign against Taliban forces in Afghanistan. Ground combat troops arrive two weeks later. Thus began what would become the longest war in U.S. history.

Both the Obama and the Trump administrations tried to leave Afghanistan, but the situation remained too precarious to do so safely. President Biden, convinced that there was never going to be a safe time to leave, was determined to put an end to the loss of American lives, especially in a situation of no measurable progress. “It’s time to end America’s longest war,” he declared. The remaining 3,500 troops in Afghanistan have been withdrawn despite the failure of intra-Afghan peace talks and the increase in Taliban attacks on Afghan security forces and citizens. The Taliban wasted no time storming the capital of Kabul, forcing president Ghani into exile, and reasserting its authority.

Biden says Washington will continue to assist Afghan security forces and support the peace process, but what does that mean? As the U.S. officially ends its military operations in Afghanistan with precious little to show for it, much is at stake for those who remain in the country, most notably women and children.

A Human Rights and Humanitarian Crisis

One of the central tenets of the Taliban’s ideology has been the opposition to girls’ and women’s education. It is predicted that around 1 million children will miss out on education due to increased attacks on schools and villages dramatically increasing in the past month since the Taliban has resumed control over Afghanistan. Rather than educate them, the Taliban have a history of enslaving women, increasing the risk of domestic violence, abuse, and exploitation, including forced child marriage. Many humanitarian agencies are concerned about an increase in violence against women during this time of crisis. In an apparent attempt to rebrand themselves as more moderate, the Taliban have made some statements alluding to protections for women, though some see this as an empty promise. The days of denying women the right to education and subjecting them to public floggings and mass executions seem part of a not-so-distant past.

The ensuing humanitarian crises is expected to affect nearly half of children in the country. Food stocks will soon run out, and a third of the country will not have access to basic goods and services. Afghanistan does not have sufficient funding in its international humanitarian response plan; as of August 2021, it is only 38 percent funded. This translates to approximately 1.2 million children losing protective services, leaving them vulnerable to violence, sexual exploitation, and forced early marriages, and about 1.4 million women left without a place of comprehensive support.

Displacement and a Refugee Crisis

Although President Biden did agree to allow Afghani people who worked with the US coalition to come to America with US troops, there were several tens of thousands that could not board the planes. Images of the Kabul airport being jam-packed with families awaiting airlift, along with videos of people handing their babies to American soldiersand absolute strangers for the sake of safety and refuge did circulate our social media pages the past few weeks. The outpouring of compassion did overwhelm the global community, but now that airlifts have ceased, about 39 million Afghans remain trapped in the humanitarian crisis that is yet to emerge in the country. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), around 3.5 million people have already been displaced due to violence in Afghanistan. These people are fearful of returning to their homes, but they also lack the finances to survive.

Consequently, the people of Afghanistan will seek refuge in neighboring countries, where many of their fellow citizens already live. For four decades, Pakistan and Iran have hosted millions of Afghan refugees. But these countries are also not capable of doing this for too long due to their own lack of international humanitarian aid. The UNHCR has called on countries to leave their borders open and permit refugee status to the people of Afghanistan in order to evade any more human rights violations and to prevent a greater humanitarian crisis from emerging.

What Next?

In an article about the challenges that the Taliban now faces, Dan Bilefsky of the New York Times writes: “Will the Taliban engage the world with a more inclusive approach? Or will they return to the ways of the past?” So far, the Taliban have been cracking down on protests, rounding up known opponents, and violently suppressing the news media. Unfortunately, from a human rights perspective, it appears that the worst is yet to come.

Arab Spring 2.0

The Second Arab Spring has risen, but this time it is much more peaceful, democratic, and youth-centered than the first. Why is this important?

2011 was quite the year for everyone except me. I still attended elementary school, could not ride a bike or swim, and had no idea what I was going to do with my life. Although nothing great happened to me, the world had changed drastically for those in the Middle East, especially the youth. That event, which changed the way many Arabs and Middle Easterners viewed their governments, was called the Arab Spring. Fast forward to 2019, I’m a freshman at The University of Alabama at Birmingham and Middle Easterners are fighting for equality and a democratic style of government. Then and now, human rights violations such as inequality and representation serve as focal points for protest and revolution, allowing for them to stand up for what they believe in and fundamentally change their government.

So, what exactly was the Arab Spring?

Basically, the Arab Spring consisted of many pro-democracy protests that took place in many majority-Muslim countries like Tunisia, Morocco, Syria, Libya, Egypt, and Bahrain. Like many other social movements, the Arab Spring started with a “single act of defiance.”

In December of 2010, a street vendor, Mohammad Bouazizi, from Tunisia set himself on fire to protest the seizing of his vegetable stand by the police due to him not getting a permit. Bouazizi’s sacrifice set aflame the Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, where the many protestors fighting for more social freedoms caused Tunisia’s authoritarian president for 20+ years, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, to renounce his position and flee the country. This revolution in Tunisia had caused the country to become more socially democratic and involve the people in its political process due to Tunisia’s first elections occurring in 2011.

Such a great change in government by a country in the Middle East had caused others in the region to also protest, with protests occurring in Egypt, Libya, Syria, and Yemen, although many succeeded and others failed.

Although Bouazizi’s death served as a catalyst for the spreading of pro-democracy fervor, the death of Egypt’s Khaled Said by police officers became another martyr in the fight for democracy. Through his death, an Egyptian Google Executive from Dubai by the name of Wael Ghoneim became a prominent activist, creating a Facebook group called “We Are All Khaled Said,” bringing in thousands of members.

Egypt’s Arab Spring, springing from Said’s death, called for the resignation of Hosni Mubarak, then President of Egypt. After resigning, he was “charged with ordering the deaths of protesters,” of which “more than 800 people were killed.” Once Mubarak stepped down, a former political prisoner by the name of Mohamed Morsy came into power democratically. Although he was chosen by the people, Morsy made it so that no court could overturn his decisions, solidifying him as an autocrat. After many protests and conflicts with the Egyptian military, Morsy “was ousted in a military coup,” leading to the establishment of Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, Egypt’s former military chief, as President through 96% of the vote.

Images of Protests in Cairo, Egypt; Tunis, Tunisia; El Beïda, Libye; Sana'a, Yémen; Damas, Syrie; and Karrana, Bahreïn — SCREENVILLE: Iranian Dissidence in Real Life Peril. Source: screenville.blogspot.com, Creative Commons

Was the Arab Spring ultimately successful across the Middle East?

Unfortunately, no.

Although there were some democratic successes in both Tunisia and Egypt through electing leaders democratically, other countries in the Middle East, such as Libya and Yemen resulted in continued conflict and war many years after the Arab Spring.

Libya, though ousting Muammar Gaddafi from his reign, remains in conflict. Libya has essentially been divided through the many militias and political factions that exist today, fighting endlessly to grab power. The situation has been so rampant that many “migrants from sub-Saharan Africa are forced” to dangerously travel to Europe through the Mediterranean, all in an effort to flee human trafficking and violence.

At first, Yemen successfully removed its President of 30 years, Ali Abdullah Saleh. However, instead of a democratic response, an “armed uprising and foreign military intervention” caused Yemen to undergo a brutal civil war. It is through this war that Yemen experienced the worst cholera outbreak, large-scale famines across the country, and the killing of many civilians through bombs and landmines. These issues continue to be present, with no end in sight as to when it will end.

So, the Arab Spring, although deadly, resulted in some Middle Eastern countries to move towards democracy and others toward chaos and autocracy. It’s not like there’s going to be any other event like this soon, right?

Again, no.

In recent news, there have cumulative instances where protesters are fighting for the same issues. However, they “have learned from their mistakes, and are seeking new goals and using new means to achieve real, lasting, regional changes.”

According to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, there are three distinct characteristics for this new Arab Spring, otherwise called Arab Spring 2.0:

The protesters do not trust any political leader. They believe that current leaders have not kept to their economic promises and reforms. And as such, many want to start over and introduce new politicians and parties.
The protests are peaceful. Unlike protests from before, many current protests lean pacifist, even through brutal responses from the military. It is through these protests that widespread support is achieved and that countries are willing to listen.
The protesters are rejecting sectarian divisions. In Lebanon, for example, religion and ethnic identity form a crucial part of how the government is formed and how people are treated. These protesters have essentially decided to do away with these divisive tactics and move towards equalizing all in government.

An image of the Peace sign — Peace Logo Wallpapers – Wallpaper Cave. Source: wallpapercave.com, Creative Commons

These characteristics directly coincide with many Algerian protests that began on February of 2019. During a panel discussion hosted by the Brookings Doha Center in partnership with Al Jazeera Centre for Studies, Haoues Taguia, a researcher for the Al Jazeera Centre for Studies, described how Algerians are distancing themselves from being a parallel to the Arab Spring. He noted that these protests are relatively peaceful, combined with the fact that a large portion of the population from “all walks of life” came to participate, legitimizing the movement. Due to a lack of leadership within the movement, these protests will be initially successful, but chaos would ensue in the years to come without a solid and stable leadership structure. During the same event, Shafeeq Garba, a professor of Political Science at Kuwait University, also advised that other civilians of MENA countries should follow Algeria’s example in order to create dialogue for change. He noted that “in the violent alternatives to this, civil wars, everyone loses, and that if these revolutions don’t succeed, they will ultimately lead to failed states.”

Lebanon is another interesting case where protests are fundamentally changing the way that a legitimate government should operate. These protests came to fruition on October 17 due to new taxes on WhatsApp calls, which caused protesters to light “fires on main roads and [block] highways, while banks, schools, and universities closed.” This new tax became the tipping point for those agitated with the Lebanese government and how their politicians are manipulating the wealth and resources that Lebanon contains. Protesters have gone so far as to create a human chain across the country as a form of protest while also involving more and more students into the fray. According to Fatima al-Sheikh, a freshman student protester, many students thought that the sectarian leaders “looked out for [their] interests, even though [the students] knew they were corrupt and oppressive. But now [the students] feel that with our hearts, and we can’t go back from that.” These protests have raged on for more than a month. With elections soon, only time will tell whether or not these protests will ultimately succeed or rather be only one of many protests in the MENA region that result in chaos and a fractured country.

Arab Spring 2.0 may only seem like a relatively new phenomenon for the MENA region now, due to the rippling effects the first Arab Spring had and still has to this day in countries like Yemen and Libya. However, rising protests against a corrupt and unfair government have spawned all over the world, from Latin America (my recent post concerning Chile’s protests) to the Middle East. Since many of these protests have been led by students it just really comes to show how concerned many college-aged people are about whether or not their respective government will be able to fairly implement policies that benefit the entire nation rather than just the ruling class. In terms of Lebanon and Algeria, both countries are fighting to revamp their respective governments. By fighting to create fair elections that emphasize the importance of the people and not just the ruling elitist class, protesters in the MENA region symbolize the importance of human rights values such as equality in a government through democratic and fair elections.

Assisting the Non-Assisted

On Monday, October 1, the Institute for Human Rights co-sponsored an event with local education, faith-based and law organizations, titled Addressing the Global Refugee Crisis – Part 1: Focus on Europe. Following, Dr. Tina Kempin Reuter, Director of UAB Institute for Human Rights, and April Jackson-MacLennan, J.D., from the Law Office of John Charles Bell, L.L.C., covered the legal challenges of this phenomenon from an international and national perspective, respectively.

Dr. Reuter Presenting Refugee Statistics. Source: UAB Institute for Human Rights

The event began with a viewing of the documentary Non Assistance, sponsored by the Consulate General of Switzerland in Atlanta, which illustrates how sociopolitical crises in the Middle East and North Africa have galvanized thousands of people to flee their home countries, permeating the Mediterranean Sea with frail boats past occupancy, holding limited supplies. Just like its title, the film focused on the lack of assistance refugee boats receive during their treacherous journey, highlighting the tragedy on March 27, 2011 that lead to 63 Tripolitanian refugee fatalities.

Despite endearment from many Europeans citizens, like the vigilantes that aim to rescue whoever they can with their personal boats, many ships in the Mediterranean to do not strive to assist the refugees. However, in 2015 alone, Doctors Without Borders rescued over 23,000 people in the Mediterranean with a just three boats, demonstrating how non-governmental parties can be instrumental in addressing this crisis. One theory for this disparity is, since the first country of contact is responsible for reporting asylum, governments do not want to carry the burden of assisting refugees. Such an outcome begs us to ask: What steps are the European Union (EU) taking to address this issue? How would you feel being lost and abandoned at sea with just the shirt on your back? Where is the humanity?

After the film, Dr. Reuter and Mrs. Jackson-MacLennan fielded questions from the aghast, yet spirited, audience. People wanted to know what can be done; answers centered on policy change and contacting elected officials. Others asked why rescue ships are being held at the ports, leading to discussion about the legal entanglements that now restrict these boats from aiding refugees. Despite there being less rescue boats navigating the Mediterranean and a drop in migration via this route, often attributed to slowing of violence in the Syrian Civil War, there is still a need to assist refugees.

Mrs. Jackson-MacLennan Engaging with a Student. Source: UAB Institute for Human Rights

On November 12, the sequel to this three-part series, titled Addressing the Global Refugee Crisis – Part II: Focus on the United States will be held at Birmingham-Southern College and followed by the third event in early 2019, at Samford University, where action planning around this global issue will take place. Please join us for the following events whereas every voice and helping hand counts.