Category: Specific Human Rights

The Awaiting Arrest Warrant of Bangladesh

Abu Sayed, a student studying English at the Begum Rokeya University, stood on the streets of Rangpur with his arms wide open on July 16, 2024. Although posing no threat, within seconds, the young man was shot in the chest by officers standing 15 meters in front of him. This was in addition to the tear gas and batons others around him were suffering. Despite being only in his mid-20s, Sayed became a martyr that afternoon. 

Events setting the stage for such open violence in Bangladesh began on July 1st, 2024, with peaceful protests by students against the Prime Minister, Sheikha Hasina, and in response to the government’s decades-old quota system. 

Why a Protest? 

Following the war granting Bangladesh independence from Pakistan in 1971, a quota system for highly valued jobs was created. This system not only claimed more than half of the civil service posts for particular social groups but also reserved the top 30% of the most sought-after positions for relatives of the 1971 veterans. Initially, this was a choice of goodwill with the intention to acknowledge and appreciate the freedom fighters who secured their nation. However, despise and anger of the system in the Bangladeshi students arose due to two factors. First, the country is going through incrementally increasing unemployment rates. With a population of over 170 million and a median age of 25.7, over 30 million Bangladeshi are unemployed, with the youth being the most impacted. Second, many of the political leaders of the nation are the relatives of the 1971 veterans. This includes the 76-year-old Prime Minister, Sheikha Hasina, daughter of the assassinated Sheikha Mujibur Rahman. Although she is considered the longest-serving female head of government, there have been multiple remarks that her rule has become increasingly authoritarian over time. In other words, this trade of unemployment so that wealthy elites can sustain their security and high income is why the quota system is actively being called out as discriminatory and favoring the political supporters of Hasina’s Awami League party. In combination with the youth’s frustration with inequality and injustice, peaceful protesting began on July 1st at the prestigious Dhaka University. 

Protestors standing and sitting in a group advocating against the quota system with flags, posters, and paint.
Image 1: Protestors standing and sitting in a group advocating against the quota system with flags, posters, and paint. | Source: Yahoo Images

The Escalation  

Initiating in Dhaka, protests with students holding posters and flags quickly spread like fire through cities across the nation. However, as the youth of the nation began to unite, they soon faced a dramatic escalation of violence within days. On July 15th, students inside Dhaka University were directly attacked by rods, clubs, and sighted revolvers by members of the Bangladeshi Chatra League (BCL), a wing of the Awami League party. The following day, Abu Sayed was shot to death in the streets of Rangpur.  

A row of Bangladeshi police officers holding batons, their helmets, and shields.
Image 2: A row of Bangladeshi police officers holding batons, their helmets, and shields. | Source: Yahoo Images

A protestor in Dhaka, Hassan Abdullah, stated in a CNN interview, “The police are constantly bursting sound grenades right now.” Such grenades being thrown, shots being fired, and tear gas attacks quickly became a daily norm on the streets for weeks. There are even accounts of hospitalizations due to heads being smashed by officers.  

On July 18th, NetBlocks, an internet monitoring site, posted a confirmation of an almost complete internet shutdown throughout the country, in addition to efforts tampering with social media access and mobile data services. After July 18th, Bangladesh went entirely offline, blinding the world to the courses of action and violence occurring within. It is known, however, that the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), an anti-crime division of the Bangladeshi police, the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), a border security force, and the National Army were spread across the country alongside the alleged establishment of a shoot on sight curfew. A few days afterward, online restrictions were somewhat lifted, revealing over 200 deaths and thousands injured within a short span of 10 days.  

Since the escalation of events, in addition to the violence, many have also been arrested arbitrarily, with about 61,000 being accused in legal cases for protesting. Such open, brutal, and life-threatening violence with no remorse or apology continued into August. In fact, on August 4th alone, 91 people were killed, the highest death count within a single day in Bangladesh’s recent history, with hundreds more injured and/or hospitalized.  

As the only response to the frank harm and threat to her citizens, Sheikha Hasina initiated a judicial investigation of the matter as she encouraged the public to wait for the higher court to deliver a just decision.  

Resignation of Power 

After weeks of the determined protestors advocating for justice and the commotion that followed, on August 5th, Hasina resigned from her position and ended her dominance in the country’s politics. She is believed to have fled to a neighboring country in India, near Delhi.  

Within hours of the resignation, Mohammad Shahabuddin, Bangladesh’s President, released former Prime Minister and Hasina’s opposition rival, Khaleda Zia, who had been jailed for graft charges. Shahabuddin also proceeded to release all detained students captured for protesting the quota system. In addition, the curfew was lifted, a temporary government led by Muhammad Yunus was established, and new elections were intended to be held. 

Following Hasina’s departure, protestors continued committing aggressive acts. Furniture from the residency of Hasina was seen being carried out, police and government buildings were alit, and attempts to tear down the statue of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, father of Sheikha Hasina, were made. Such acts were done in celebration and to demand a new government that was not led by its military.

As of October 17th, the Bangladeshi International Crimes Tribunal has issued arrest warrants for 45 people, which includes Sheikha Hasina and other members of her cabinet. This is being done on the basis of Hasina presiding over the mass killings and inhumane crimes that occurred during the protests. As a result, Sheikha Hasina must appear before the court by the date of November 18th. 

Members of the protestors standing on top of a building to celebrate the end of the Hasina rule.
Image 3: Members of the protestors stood on top of a building to celebrate the end of the Hasina rule. | Source: Yahoo Images

Human Rights Matter

It is blatant that such treatment of individuals, as seen by the young Bangladeshi students, is inhumane and vicious. And so, there are certain factors in the situation worth bringing our attention to. Firstly, the unlawful use of force is being placed on protestors. The violent and lethal tactics accompanied by a range of weapons have led to hundreds dead and thousands injured. It is important to acknowledge that not only are these numbers but also living people being put through excruciating pains and grief physically and psychologically. Furthermore, Human Rights Watch has remarked that the excessive use of force by security personnel violates several international human rights standards, drawing widespread criticism from global human rights organizations. Another point is the arbitrary arrest of civilians in order to disrupt their ability to express and assemble. This was further pressed on by the internet restriction, which removed a major layer of protection for civilians. 

Sheikha Hasina giving a speech to the General Assembly of the UN dressed in a light blue sari.
Image 4: Sheikha Hasina gave a speech to the General Assembly of the UN dressed in a light blue sari. | Source: Yahoo Images

It is incredibly important to understand that the discussed situation is not solely relevant to Bangladesh; but rather to international affairs, as with all human rights matters. In fact, alongside the protesters in Bangladesh, smaller protests have already been held by international Bangladeshi students in New York, Melbourne, Sydney, and even Copenhagen. And so, not only is the world awaiting to see how Bangladesh’s unknown future forms, but also how the matter of human rights violation is dealt with by the Bangladeshi International Crimes Tribunal.  

As we wait for Hasina to determine if she will present herself before the court from a public perspective, we are able to consider a few choices of support. Join the movement by supporting organizations like Amnesty International, spreading awareness on social media, or writing to your local representatives to condemn the human rights abuses in Bangladesh. The ability of people to come together, even internationally, and make great differences is something that has always remained astounding.  

Syria: An Update on the Current Crisis

Syria has been home to numerous atrocities over the past few decades, making it an important country to monitor. Since 2011, the country has experienced the collapse of its society due to civil war. However, human rights abuses have existed prior, with the suppression of freedoms being carried out by the government. Not only has the country undergone a history of suppression and state-sanctioned terror campaigns, but the recent earthquakes hitting its Northern and Western territories in 2023 have worsened its humanitarian crisis, resulting in a bleak reality being subjugated upon the Syrian people. 

The Syrian flag stands above a war-destroyed town.
Image 1: Syrian Flag Stands Amidst Destruction. Source: Yahoo Images

Context

Throughout the 1970s, Syria experienced the rise of the Assad dynasty, as Hafez al-Assad declared himself president. During his reign, he used his power to crush civil liberties and freedoms, utilizing force and violence to do so. Hafez also altered the constitution, removing Islam as the state religion in exchange for a secular state. Though this choice was unpopular amongst his constituency, his dictatorial tendencies, along with extreme party loyalty, allowed him to silence the opposition. 

Basar al-Assad, Syria’s current leader and successor to his father Hafez, came to power in 2000. Though promising economic and social reform, he failed to provide meaningful change, and the policies that were implemented did nothing but increase inequality within the nation. Alongside these failed governmental measures, an extreme drought increased food prices and saw heightened migration into city centers, thus worsening unemployment. The poor and ignored policies, along with the economic and societal impacts of a five-year drought, caused governmental resentment among citizens as they were desperate for change. 

In March 2011, inspired by other Arab Spring movements, which occurred throughout North Africa and the Middle East, Syrian citizens mobilized, calling for regime change and an expansion of personal freedoms and liberties. Though peaceful, these demands were met with extreme violence on behalf of the Syrian government. Labeled as terrorists, the government implemented a “shoot-to-kill” policy on these protestors, with these commands carried out by military officials and paramilitary members. Some concessions were made in April, though not enough to appease protestors. As uprisings continued, so did government violence and pushback. The Syrian Army seized numerous cities, such as Daraa, where they killed hundreds of protestors, cut off water and power, and forced its citizens into starvation. In response, resistance militias began to form and fight against Syrian Army soldiers, unraveling throughout 2012 into a civil war. It later developed into a proxy war, as foreign governments, such as the United States and Russia, involved themselves in the conflict.

Human Rights Abuses

Many human rights abuses have been brought upon Syrian citizens, such as displacement, unlawful arrests, detention and killings, subjection to torture, sexual violence, and disproportional military attacks. Displacement has been one of the largest and most discussed issues that have occurred due to the civil war, with an estimated 12 million citizens forced to move, with six million remaining in the country and six million migrating to other countries like Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordan. There are many reasons for such migration, but a leading cause is military actions. The 2022 Syrian Network for Human Rights Report found that in 2022 alone, 75,000 people were forcibly moved due to either government or opposition hostility. Though relocating, approximately 70% of refugees still experience poverty and limited access to basic necessities. Syrian civilians also experience arbitrary arrests and detention, with victims commonly subjected to torture. The report also found a minimum of 2,221 cases of inappropriate arrests and signals that extortion could be a primary cause, as they tend to target previous prisoners and those receiving remittance payments. Relationships with political figures or activist leaders are another trend among victims. Civilian casualties frequently occur, with many the direct result of excessive use of force. However, deaths have also been caused by torture and medical negligence. While opposition groups do contribute to these numbers, a majority of the killings have been found to be the fault of the Syrian military. The civil war also led to an unprecedented rise in sexual violence, having some of the highest rates globally. While this impacts men as well, it’s important to note that women and children have been especially targeted. The Syrian military has also repeatedly used excessive force against civilian groups, including the deployment of chemical weapons, cluster bombs, and missiles. Though other human rights violations have occurred, this paragraph is meant to provide insight into some of the most prevalent and recurring forms of abuses.

A large group of Syrian refugees, including men, women, and children, flee a city after it was ruined by the war.
Image 2: Syrian Refugees Flee Demolished City. Source: Yahoo Images

Earthquake Impacts

The February 6, 2023, earthquakes, which primarily impacted Syria and Turkey, worsened the country’s ongoing battle with poverty and human rights struggles. These earthquakes led to the death of some 60,000 Syrian citizens and injured many more. Today, roughly 90% of the population lives below the poverty line. Within that, 50% are living in abject poverty, unable to attain proper food for survival. For reference, in 2010, only 1% of citizens experienced this level of poverty. Even for those outside this statistic, access to food, clean water, and shelter has been extremely limited and seen alongside a rise in violent crime and gender-based exploitation. These earthquakes also contributed to an economic crisis, triggering rampant inflation in the preceding years. The Syrian Center for Policy Research found that, in 2023, consumer prices doubled when compared to the previous year. Average wages have also declined. 

Accessing healthcare and treatment are also significant issues. The destruction of the civil war left more than half of the nation’s hospitals nonoperational, leaving injured citizens limited access to treatment. This is gravely concerning as roughly 14.9 million people require medical assistance for survival. For those seeking refuge in other countries, inequality and discrimination still exist, making care inaccessible even in countries with better health facilities. Furthermore, a majority of Syrians have lost the ability to return to their homeland, facing the complete destruction of their livelihoods. 

While the civil war resulted in the mass destruction of infrastructure and society, the earthquakes worsened the impacts of such decimation and created new economic issues that citizens were forced to endure. 

Buildings are destroyed in a Syrian city, leaving them unlivable.
Image 3: Ruined Buildings in the City of Homs. Source: Yahoo Images

Today

The Syrian civil war has reached somewhat of a stalemate. With the Syrian government controlling roughly 70% of the country’s territory, outright violence and wartime tactics have decreased. However, the regime remains repressive, regularly violating the human rights of its citizens. As for the near future, it seems unlikely that any peace agreements will be formally signed. It also appears that the current president will remain in power, with some regional powers questioning their opposition to al-Assad. 

While fighting has greatly decreased, Syria still faces major roadblocks to improvement. Surrounding conflict has interfered with recovery. The conflict in Gaza has carried into Syria, with Syrian civilians being subjects of numerous attacks likely initiated by Israel. The United Nations Human Rights Council Report on Syria writes how three separate air strikes have led to civilian deaths. Though no party has taken credit for these attacks, the report suspects they are carried out by the Israeli military. 

Another key issue is funding. Support for humanitarian aid programs in Syria has dried up, with organizations finding it difficult to raise appropriate funds. It was estimated that $5.3 billion was needed to assist Syria following the earthquakes; however, in 2023, the United Nations was only able to fund 37% of this target. This leaves a $3.38 billion funding gap. Foreign governments also deliver a considerable amount of aid, though it is unfortunately not enough to provide to all Syrians in need. Lacking necessary financing, some programs are forced to reduce their scope or shut down altogether. Earlier this year, UNICEF (United Nations International Children’s Fund) ended water deliveries to certain refugee camps due to a lack of financing. Without adequate funds, aid cannot be delivered to those in need. 

Regardless of its human rights abuses, the international community seems to be normalizing its relations with the Syrian government. Surrounding countries have begun to open diplomatic channels, and the United Arab Emirates has reopened its embassy. With the Assad dynasty continuing forward, it seems other countries are choosing to embrace this reality rather than continue rebelling against this brutal regime. 

Conclusion

Syria is facing a humanitarian crisis. The ongoing civil war, along with the destruction caused by the 2023 earthquakes, has led to a huge rise in poverty and displacement. Furthermore, citizens are subjected to excessive violence and inhumane treatment by their government and opposition groups. Though largely funded by humanitarian organizations, a lack of donations has dried up financing abilities, causing a huge gap between the required aid amount and what has been received. While there appears to be a stalemate, nothing signals that the situation within the country will improve in the near future. This is an urgent crisis. 

 

If able, consider donating to aid organizations:

UNCHR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees)

https://donate.unhcr.org/int/en/syria-emergency

Karam Foundation

https://www.karamfoundation.org/

Save the Children Organization

https://www.savethechildren.org/us/where-we-work/syria

IRUSA (Islamic Relief United States of America)

https://irusa.org/middle-east/syria/

 

The Battle of NGOs in Nicaragua: A Human Rights Crisis

Arbitrarily detained, beaten in prison, exiled, and stripped of their nationality has become a common experience for activists in Nicaragua. This is the case of Kevin Solís, who was arbitrarily detained twice; in 2018 for allegedly obstructing public services and carrying a firearm, and later in 2020 for alleged robbery and assault. The United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention determined there had been irregularities in the legal procedures of Kevin’s case, a violation of his legal rights, and a concerning threat to his rights to life and integrity. Along with Solís, another two hundred political prisoners were released in 2023, some of whose citizenship was later revoked. Nicaraguan president Daniel Ortega’s war against NGOs is rooted in his plan to crush opposition to his leadership and avoid responsibility for human rights violations.

But how did Nicaragua get to this point?

2018 was the start of a large and violent retaliation of the government against protestors. However, 5 years prior, discontent was already blooming in the Nicaraguan people’s hearts. The Nicaraguan Congress passed, on June 13, 2013, a law that affects the future livelihood of many communities, Law 840. The law deals with the development of infrastructure and free trade zones. As a result of this legal advancement, communities would be pushed out of their homes to accommodate ‘new and improved’ facilities. According to an Amnesty International report, Law 840 allows the government to authorize the construction of projects without consulting the communities that would be affected. Among those is Francisca Ramirez, whose community learned about a new project approved through Law 840 in a televised announcement by President Ortega. To their surprise, the president had sold the land they lived on to foreign investors for canal construction and subsequent amenities. Francisca and her community, along with other human rights activists, took their concerns to the streets to advocate for their rights and oppose the Canal. Yet, they were met with threats, harassment, and arrest.

Protests of 2018

Localized demonstrations in response to President Ortega’s actions continued until 2018 when large-scale protests exploded in the streets of Nicaragua. The Nicaraguan people responded negatively to the new changes the Ortega administration implemented to the social security and pension system. However, it wasn’t all about social security. Previously, widely censored media was combined with excessive use of force by police officers who were firing tear gas and rubber bullets at protestors. Hence, years of corruption and repression of peaceful protest made the population join the rally against the new social security measures. Human Rights Watch reported on the injured and death toll after initial protests, in which the Nicaraguan Red Cross claimed to have helped 435 injured people between April 18th and 25th, while the CIDH listed 212 people dead between April 19th and June 19th, 2018. In this same report, it is stated that Nicaraguan newspapers that spoke about the protests and the death toll were later impacted by the government’s agenda against media outlets that didn’t back up President Ortega. Independent and critical newspapers like El Nuevo Diario had been unable to access paper and supplies due to a blockade on imports imposed by the Ortega administration, said Carlos Fernando Chamorro, an exiled journalist and director of El Nuevo Diario. Chamorros’ exile follows the trend of journalists and communicators who have been imprisoned and forced to leave the country to speak against Ortega.

Daniel Ortega is sworn into Nicaragua’s leadership for his 4th presidential term.
Image 1: Daniel Ortega is sworn into Nicaragua’s leadership for his 4th presidential term. Source: Yahoo images

 

What does the Government have to say? 

The Ortega administration made several claims invoking laws that have increased monitoring, making NGOs’ work more difficult and giving the government grounds for forced dissolution. A legal framework was created to regulate organizations and individuals that receive foreign funding and utilize those funds to attempt to undermine the nation’s sovereignty and independence. Among some of the requirements, organizations need to present monthly reports of who their donors are or their source of income. For NGOs, this law means that whoever receives foreign funding or fails to report accurately would be stripped of their political personality. And this is exactly what happened. Invoking this framework, it was stated in an official release that the organizations had not complied with the law by reporting their finances, which also led to accusations based on money laundering laws.  

The pro-Ortega news outlet La Nueva Radio Ya called the 2018 protest a “coup” orchestrated by NGOs associated with organized crime and international organizations like the OEA (Organization of American States) and IACHR (Inter-American Commission on Human Rights) who want to push an imperialistic agenda into the Nicaraguan people. The article dismissed the reasons for the protests as well as the number of injured and dead protestors. Instead, it focuses on the number of police who were injured and killed, claiming there was never such an assault against the national police force, which in turn shows that the protests were not peaceful. Equally, it holds that the “failed coup” led to kidnappings, assaults, torture, murder, and a great impact on the jobs and the incomes of many families.

Nicaraguans protesting in 2018 after changes to the pension system.
Image 2: Nicaraguans protested in 2018 after changes to the pension system. Source: Yahoo images

 

NGOs have faced villainization and limitations of their funding and activities because they were thought to be too politically involved. Staying on trend with other democracies and post-soviet governments, after the events of 2018, Daniel Ortega’s administration escalated violations of free speech and freedom of assembly, starting a public crackdown on individuals and groups who spoke against his leadership. In addition to the medical associations, climate change, education, and more, one type of largely targeted NGO was religious. So far, clergy members have been imprisoned and exiled, catholic churches and universities have shut down, and the legal standing of charities has been revoked. On the last round of suspensions on August 19th, 2024, hundreds of the 1,500 NGOs were small faith groups whose property may be seized.  

Ronaldo Alvarez, a Nicaraguan bishop, put a target on his back after speaking on human rights issues and the retaliation of the government against religious organizations. He was under house arrest in his home and later at his parent’s house while he was investigated for inciting violence. The priest was later accused of “conspiracy against the government, carrying out hate acts, and damaging society.” Others, such as priest Oscar Benavídez, were indicted at the prosecutor’s office on unknown charges.

Daniel Ortega is sworn into Nicaragua’s leadership for his 4th presidential term.
Image 3: Bishop Ronaldo Alvarez. Source: Ramírez 22 nic, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons

 

Reactions of the International System and Future Implications 

The United Nations General Assembly released the resolution 49/3 calling for the protection of human rights in Nicaragua. The resolution includes requests for the Government to fully cooperate with the monitoring and reporting of human rights, including the free passage of human rights groups to assess the country’s conditions. The Inter-American Commission of Human Rights (IACHR) has also pronounced itself on the crimes against humanity perpetrated in the state and encouraged accountability for human rights violations. The press release cited the impactful reports it had filled on the closure of universities, crackdown of media outlets, and repression against Indigenous and Afro-descent who opposed the government. At the same time, the IACHR followed suit; the U.S. imposed sanctions and additional actions, such as visa restrictions on Nicaraguan officials who were involved in the imprisonment and violence against religious institutions and religious leaders. The international system is concerned with the violent developments in Nicaragua and the lack of accountability. However, the ability of international instruments to punish is limited, and without the cooperation of the rest of the international community, Nicaraguans won’t receive much outside help. 

 

No NGOs to advocate for the rights of the people they protect means there are no organizations with enough structure and funding that can help people in a situation where the oppressor is the state. These groups were able to provide individuals with resources and programs that the government didn’t or was unable to. Now, their access to the safe spaces NGOs create is rapidly crumbling down. The persecution of NGOs should be addressed by a large number of actors in the international system to apply pressure on the Ortega Administration and support Nicaraguans. Although the fate of Nicaraguan-based NGOs is uncertain, check out other organizations that survived the last wave of suspensions, like El Porvenir (The Future). 

The Eradication of Malaria in Egypt: A Triumph for Public Health and Human Rights

When thinking about malaria, we tend to forget its impact across the world. Especially living in the global north, my experience with malaria has been restricted to my coursework; however, the reality of the disease is that it exists and poses a prominent issue in many countries across the world. The illness, spread by a mosquito vector, had over 247 million cases in 2021; this spanned across many regions worldwide, primarily impacting Africa.

In recent years, the WHO (World Health Organization) has worked in many different countries to eradicate malaria and has successfully done so with their WHO Guidelines for Malaria. An example of these guidelines being successful is Algeria, which reported its last case in 2013. However, a recent accomplishment in the world of malaria has been noted, which is the eradication of the disease in Egypt. For decades, Egypt had struggled with the disease and the associated outcomes.

Image 1: Receipt of malaria-free certification in WHO Eastern Mediterranean Region.Source: WHO
Image 1: Receipt of malaria-free certification in WHO Eastern Mediterranean Region. Source: WHO

Malaria’s History in Egypt

The nature of Egypt had made it susceptible to the fruition of the illness. Historically, the disease was tested around the Nile Delta and Upper Egypt, tracing back to 4000 B.C.E. As most of the population was concentrated in these areas, it led to the development of disease impacting millions of individuals. In recent history, the illness has contributed to the fragility of the country, ranging from increased economic losses, inflated healthcare costs, and decreased labor productivity.

The first ever effort to control malaria can be dated to 1950, with the introduction of dichloro-diphenyl-trichloroethane (DDT). This initial intervention was an insecticide that was used to help not only reduce the mosquito population but also address the development of typhus and other insect-borne diseases. However, this intervention resulted in some resistance amongst the community and additional environmental concerns; as of 2001, the intervention was observed as a possible human carcinogen and has since been banned in Egyptian agriculture.

In 1969, the creation of the Aswan Dam posed a new risk for the development of disease, all of which resulted in the need for new interventions. With additional adjustments to the approach against malaria, in the 1980s, the WHO helped push towards the eradication of malaria in Egypt with their eradication program. This program included regions like Africa, the Americas, Asia-Pacific, and the Middle East and Eurasia. This resulted in outcomes such as reducing the number of cases by 300,000 between 1980 and 2010. Though these outcomes are significant, those with limited access to healthcare were still disadvantaged in the global conversation.

Image 2: Doctors in Egypt are conducting malaria tests on elderly patients in rural Egypt.Source: WHO
Image 2: Doctors in Egypt are conducting malaria tests on elderly patients in rural Egypt. Source: WHO

The New Approach to Malaria

Building upon previous interventions, additional interventions have been explored in the past few decades; these have contributed meaningfully to the eradication of malaria in the country. Before mobilizing interventions, it is important to educate communities about what malaria is and develop trust in proposed interventions. The Egyptian government, in collaboration with different NGOs (Non-Governmental Organizations), launched different campaigns that reached communities all across the country; these talked about prevention, symptoms, and where people can find diagnostic centers. These were taught in schools, local community centers, and other locations to ensure that populations were able to access the information needed to become a part of the solution. This resulted in an 80% increase in malaria case reporting in disproportionately impacted areas by 2020.

These education opportunities are coupled with healthcare access and monitoring. By improving the healthcare infrastructure, treatment facilities were able to strengthen their interventions for those impacted by malaria. However, with recent inflation and economic instability in the country, with the support of international supporters, these interventions became even more accessible by being low-cost or even free. With the additional investment into data collection and monitoring systems, the Egyptian Ministry of Health was able to monitor trends in malaria incidence and collaborate with healthcare providers to mobilize and target interventions for those who need them most. With the compounded efforts of treating and monitoring malaria, strides were made to help understand the spread of malaria in the country.

Beyond education and monitoring, it is valuable to identify interventions that would be accessible to the population. These interventions must be easily understood to ensure they are efficacious. Vector control is noted to be central to Egypt’s strategy. Leveraging the use of insecticide-treated bed nets was the most prominent intervention; by 2019, 3 million of these nets had been distributed to reduce the incidence of malaria, especially in high-risk areas. This, coupled with indoor spraying, helped reduce malaria cases by 90% in over 2 decades.

Malaria Eradication is a Victory for Human Rights

As outlined in the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, the right to health is fundamental to human existence. By working to eradicate malaria in the country, Egypt has made strides to fulfill this right for its citizens of all socioeconomic classes.

Egypt’s victory brings hope to the fight against malaria; not only can public health interventions align with human rights, but they can create a sustainable model for health equity. Many countries in the global south are in a place that Egypt was in not too long ago; as global communities begin to face the amplification of health issues, Egypt’s framework and history of eradication can be seen as a success and applied to other countries.

Now that malaria is off the docket of issues Egypt faces, it is not time to focus on addressing other inequities the country is facing. As health equity is improved in the country, issues such as mental health, maternal and child health, and non-communicable diseases can be addressed with the utmost efficiency, helping improve outcomes in the country.

 

The Aftermath of Hurricane Helene

In this image, people scramble to collect themselves as a storm hits
Image 1: People scrambling to collect themselves as a storm hits. Source: Yahoo Images

Overview of the Issue

A raft carries a crying girl as she desperately clings onto the last remaining threads of her former life; her puppy licks away her tears even as the rain replaces them. As the wind carries away her hoarse cries for her mother, a kind woman offers her a warm blanket and reassuring words.

This image depicts a girl sitting alone at the edge of the water
Image 2: This picture depicts a girl sitting alone at the edge of the water. Source: Yahoo Images

While this story is completely fictional, its core is based on reality. Due to Hurricane Helene, more than 375,000 households were displaced, and those were the lucky ones – the ones who survived. An AI-generated image currently circulating on the internet illustrates a girl in a raft holding her puppy and crying. It depicts the realities of many families that were impacted by Hurricane Helene. While the image itself is not real, thousands of people online are empathizing with it, claiming that they imagine the baby could be their own. 

Hurricane Helene made landfall on September 26, 2024, near Perry, Florida, as a powerful Category 4 storm with winds reaching 140 mph; it then moved into Georgia with continued Category 2 winds the following day. Helene caused widespread devastation, particularly through Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia. This led to severe flooding and significant landslides in the southern Appalachians, with wind damage and tornadoes reported in parts of the Carolinas. The overall impact included hundreds of fatalities, substantial property damage, power outages, and displacement of thousands of residents. The death toll exceeded 200, with many still unaccounted for as recovery efforts continue. The economic impact is estimated to be between $95 billion and $110 billion.

The Impact on Marginalized Communities

What this image doesn’t show is that not everyone is equally affected by these disasters. Natural disasters like Hurricane Helene have a disproportionate impact on marginalized communities due to pre-existing social, economic, and geographic vulnerabilities. These communities, including low-income groups, immigrants, people of color, and indigenous populations, frequently live in areas that are more susceptible to flooding, landslides, and other natural hazards due to less expensive land or poorer infrastructure. When disasters strike, the lack of resources such as savings, insurance, and access to emergency services makes recovery significantly more difficult. Additionally, disparities in disaster preparedness and access to information can hinder evacuation efforts, leaving these groups at higher risk of injury or death. Post-disaster, marginalized communities often face greater challenges in accessing relief aid, rebuilding homes, and recovering livelihoods, further exacerbating cycles of poverty and inequality. This uneven burden underscores the need for more equitable disaster preparedness and response strategies that address the specific needs of the most vulnerable populations​.

In addition to the challenges faced by marginalized groups during natural disasters, Spanish-speaking and immigrant communities in South Florida are particularly vulnerable. These populations often experience language barriers that prevent them from accessing crucial information about evacuation orders, emergency services, and disaster relief efforts. Many rely on informal networks, which may not always provide timely or comprehensive updates. This can lead to delays in taking protective measures, putting lives at risk.

This image displays the wreckage a hurricane can leave in its wake
Image 3: The photo above displays the wreckage a hurricane can leave in its wake. Source: Yahoo Images

The large immigrant population in South Florida, including many undocumented individuals, may hesitate to seek assistance due to fears of immigration enforcement. This fear can prevent them from accessing shelters or applying for federal aid programs, such as those offered by the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), despite being in dire need. Additionally, many immigrants work in sectors that are highly vulnerable to the economic impacts of disasters, such as agriculture, hospitality, and construction. The destruction of agricultural land and small businesses not only leads to a loss of income but also leaves these communities with limited options for recovery, as many lack the financial safety nets or legal protections afforded to other workers.

Furthermore, the weakening of infrastructure and social order during a disaster increases risks of violence, exploitation, and trafficking, which can be especially dangerous for undocumented individuals and those without strong social safety nets. Without strong social support systems or the ability to navigate the bureaucratic processes of disaster recovery, these groups may be more susceptible to labor exploitation or abuse in their efforts to rebuild. These compounded vulnerabilities highlight the urgent need for targeted disaster response efforts that consider the specific needs of non-English-speaking and immigrant communities. Effective response includes offering bilingual communication, ensuring that relief services are accessible to all, regardless of immigration status, and providing economic support to help rebuild livelihoods and restore stability. By addressing these gaps, relief efforts can better serve these at-risk populations and work towards more equitable disaster recovery.

What is Being Done on Site

Government efforts have been widespread in disaster relief. On October 2, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) launched a website to provide resources and information about the EPA’s efforts to assist communities affected by Hurricane Helene. The EPA’s Hurricane Helene website is updated with real-time information on response and recovery efforts for communities most at risk. Another resource is provided by FEMA. Individuals living in areas designated as presidentially declared disaster zones can apply for aid, which may cover temporary housing, home repairs, and other essential needs like medical care and transportation. FEMA also supports infrastructure repairs for communities, such as fixing roads and utilities, to restore access to critical services. These efforts aim to alleviate immediate hardships, promote recovery, and ensure that resources reach those most affected by the hurricane. To apply for assistance online, visit disasterassistance.gov.

Displayed is a flooded suburban neighborhood
Image 4: Depicted is a flooded suburban neighborhood. Source: Yahoo Images

The International Economic Development Council (IEDC) has been involved in coordinating international aid and economic recovery efforts in the aftermath of Hurricane Helene. Their role primarily includes facilitating the mobilization of funds and support from international donors to help rebuild critical infrastructure, restore economic stability, and support affected communities. This involves working closely with other global organizations and governments to ensure that economic relief is efficiently distributed and reaches the communities most in need.

The IEC’s efforts complement domestic recovery measures, such as those led by FEMA and other federal agencies, by focusing on broader economic recovery. This includes addressing disruptions in trade, ensuring the stability of financial markets, and providing support for small businesses and agricultural sectors that have suffered losses due to the hurricane. Their involvement helps to bolster the financial resources available for recovery, contributing to a more robust response to the economic challenges that follow such large-scale natural disasters.

In addition to government efforts, many humanitarian groups are also on-site to help with harm reduction. Private organizations such as Greater Good Charities have been on site and have already “deployed 48 truckloads of assistance, millions of dollars in aid, including food, water, hygiene products, and pet vaccines, with many more trucks of aid on the way.”

The above image shows hurricane victims being rescued on rafts by a humanitarian group. In the first raft, a family of 7 paddles to safety while behind it, the second raft holds 4 flood victims
Image 5: The above image shows hurricane victims being rescued by a humanitarian group. Source: Yahoo Images

The American Red Cross is actively involved in assisting people affected by Hurricane Helene through its reunification services. This support is particularly crucial for those separated from loved ones during evacuation and rescue efforts. The Red Cross’s assistance includes tools and resources to help individuals reconnect with family and friends who may have been displaced or gone missing due to the storm.

Their services involve a dedicated online platform where people can register themselves as “safe and well” or search for information on missing relatives. This system allows both evacuees and those searching for them to exchange information, offering a vital means of communication when traditional lines might be disrupted due to infrastructure damage. The Red Cross also collaborates with local shelters and emergency services to ensure displaced individuals are accounted for and can be reached by family members.

Some businesses have adapted their operations to focus on disaster relief in the aftermath of natural disasters. For example, National Coating Inc. shifted its services during Hurricane Helene to support communities affected by the storm by rescuing stranded families and providing supplies to unreachable locations. The CEO, Zeb Hadley, started these rescue missions when he discovered a baby was born right before Helene struck and was in an unreachable area. He personally flew his private helicopter for 60 hours searching for the trapped baby and its family, and he arrived just in time. Paramedics documented that the baby was blue upon arrival, and they were able to stabilize it with oxygen.

Companies like National Coating Inc. exemplify the true spirit of corporate responsibility. They step up in times of crisis, using their expertise and resources for relief work. This commitment enables them to supply specialized equipment, personnel, and services crucial for recovery efforts in disaster-stricken areas.

This trend of businesses reframing their services to contribute to disaster relief can significantly improve the speed and effectiveness of recovery efforts, especially when public and nonprofit resources are stretched thin. It reflects a broader effort where companies leverage their skills and infrastructure to support both immediate needs and longer-term rebuilding initiatives. Such efforts complement those of humanitarian organizations and government agencies, creating a more collaborative approach to disaster relief and recovery.​

Conclusion

In the wake of natural disasters like Hurricane Helene, marginalized communities face heightened vulnerabilities that can complicate their recovery and survival. Pre-existing economic and social inequalities, language barriers, and fear of seeking assistance make them more susceptible to prolonged displacement, loss of livelihoods, and even risks of exploitation and trafficking as social order deteriorates. As climate change worsens and the predicted severity of storms increases, this story is destined to repeat itself, and its impacts will be amplified. Addressing these disparities requires a concerted effort from government agencies, international organizations, businesses, and local relief efforts to ensure that disaster responses are inclusive and adequately address the specific needs of these vulnerable populations. Prioritizing equitable aid distribution and protection measures can help mitigate the adverse effects of disasters and support a more just recovery for all affected communities. 

The Death Penalty in the US: Legalized Murder?

On September 24, 2024, the state of Missouri executed an innocent Black man. Why did they kill him? 

Marcellus Williams was convicted and sentenced to death for murdering Felicia Gayle. There was no physical evidence linking Williams to her murder: fingerprints, footprints, hair, and DNA found at the crime scene did not match Williams. The only evidence against Williams was testimony from two witnesses whose accounts were inconsistent and unverifiable. Gayle’s family favored life imprisonment. The county prosecutor favored life imprisonment. Only Missouri’s Attorney General wanted Williams executed – and he got his wish. 

Williams was innocent of the crime for which he was executed. He never had a fair trial. The prosecution struck 6 of 7 Black jurors, one of whom was rejected “because he looked too much like Williams.” Missouri knew they were executing an innocent man – and they did it anyway. 

History of the Death Penalty in America 

Capital punishment has been a part of the American legal system since before the United States was a country. The first person executed in the British colonies was George Kendall, who was executed by firing squad for mutiny in 1608. By the early 1900s, public support for the death penalty was beginning to wane, and some states abolished the practice. 

Utilizing capital punishment was briefly illegal nationwide. The 1972 Supreme Court Decision Furman v. Georgia ruled that existing death penalty statutes were discriminatory and therefore unconstitutional. That lasted until 1976, when the Court ruled in Gregg v. Georgia that Georgia’s updated death penalty statute was constitutional, and executions resumed. Since 1976, 1,601 people have been executed. Today, only 21 states still have the death penalty, and only ten have executed people in the last decade. 

Methods for capital punishment have varied greatly over the last two centuries. Early in American history, the most common were firing squad and hanging. Over time, hangings have become associated with lynchings. Despite that history, in 2023, a Tennessee lawmaker proposed that “hanging by a tree” be used as an alternative method of execution in the state. In 1890, the first person was executed with the electric chair, which was the most common method for several decades until lethal injection became more popular after its first use in 1982.

A white room with a gurney with several thick straps used for restraining prisoners.
Image 1: A white room with a gurney and several thick straps was used to restrain prisoners. Source: Yahoo Images.

Lethal injection has faced challenges in recent years for a few reasons. Drug manufacturers do not want to be associated with homicide – and thus refuse to sell the required drugs to state governments – and medical professionals refuse to administer the medicines. Instead of medical professionals, correctional workers struggle to find veins and sometimes fail entirely, causing delayed executions. Roughly 3% of executions are botched, and people subjected to botched executions are disproportionately Black – 1/3 of executions nationwide are of Black prisoners, while 1/2 of botched executions are of Black prisoners. Even when not botched, lethal injections have been shown to be less humane than originally believed. The drugs used are painful and cause the lungs to fill with fluid – typically without proper anesthesia. 

Black prisoners are also treated differently immediately before they are executed. Jeff Hood, who has witnessed six executions – three of Black prisoners, three of white – told NPR, “I can definitely tell you that the restraints that I have seen on Black folk have been unquestionably tighter than the restraints that I have seen on white folk.” 

More recently, there has been controversy over a new execution method: nitrogen hypoxia. The state of Alabama has executed two people – Kenneth Smith and Alan Eugene Miller – by nitrogen hypoxia in the last year. The state had previously attempted to execute both Smith and Miller by lethal injection, but correctional workers were unable to place IV lines in either man over the course of several hours. There is another Institute of Human Rights blog post, published in the fall of 2023, that extensively details execution methods. 

Problems of the Death Penalty

Two of the most common reasons given for keeping the death penalty are deterrence and justice. Justice argues an eye for an eye – that, for some crimes, the only possible form of justice is death. That is a philosophical debate, and one I will not discuss today. Instead, I will focus on the effect of the death penalty on homicide rates – deterrence. Deterrence is the idea that the existence of the death penalty deters crime – it reasons that prospective murderers are logical people who will be less likely to kill others if it will result in their death. 

In 2012, the National Research Council conducted a literature review on studies examining any deterring effects executions – and the general presence of the death penalty – have on homicide rates. They concluded that studies had not yet demonstrated any effect capital punishment has on homicide rates and recommended that the “research… should not influence policy judgments about capital punishment.” 

One of the most powerful arguments used by death penalty abolitionists is about wrongful convictions. Someone who is sentenced to life in prison can be released if they are found innocent; that is not so with someone who is dead, such as Marcellus Williams. Wrongful convictions are common; for every eight executions in the United States since 1977, one person sentenced to death was exonerated. 82% of death penalty exonerations are due to official misconduct and 36% of death penalty sentences are overturned. 

Glynn Simmons was exonerated in December 2023 for a crime he did not commit. He spent 48 years in prison. The state knew when he was convicted in 1975 that Simmons was innocent; he was in Louisiana when the crime was committed in Oklahoma. Despite that, it took almost 50 years – 2/3 of Simmons’ life – for him to finally be exonerated. Imprisonment is reversible. Death is not.

A broken chain.
Image 2: A large broken chain. Source: Yahoo Images

What Can Be Changed? 

Activists have worked for decades to reform or eliminate the death penalty. Two organizations that have been involved in numerous exonerations are the Innocence Project and the Equal Justice Initiative. Both organizations provide legal aid to innocent prisoners. Other ways to support change include petitioning state and federal legislators to end or reform the death penalty.

Why the Death Penalty Won’t Stop Sexual Violence Against Women in South Asia—And Might Make It Worse

clearing cache to see changes with image
Image 1. Women protesting Rape in India. Source: Yahoo Images

The death penalty as a form of punishment is seen as controversial across the globe. Primarily used in murder cases, it can be viewed as an archaic replacement of Hammurabi Code, an eye for an eye, which is why many oppose it. Proponents contest that this is a just, necessary deterrent for extremely violent crimes. They attest that it not only provides justice for the victims but also prevents criminals from committing murders. However, does that logic apply in real life? The government of West Bengal state government seems to agree after passing legislation allowing capital punishment for the offence of rape when it results in the victim’s death or leaves them in a vegetative state.

In India, this significant form of punishment for this kind of crime comes as a result of public outcry over the rape and murder of a 31-year-old postgraduate trainee doctor at Kolkata’s RG Kar Medical College and Hospital. This is not the first occurrence of punitive anti-rape legislation in India. Following the Nirbhaya case, a brutal gang rape of a young woman on a moving bus in Delhi, the nation was shocked to its core, and Parliament was expedient in passing Criminal Law (Amendment) Act in 2013 to allow the death penalty in rape cases. At face value, it seems like direct action is being taken to address sexual violence against women in India; however, conflicting reports from women’s rights groups and data on sexual violence against women prove otherwise. The death penalty for rape is far from an advancement in women’s rights, and it is actually a regressive step for women.

Death Penalty in Practice

There are currently 31 countries that enforce the death penalty for rape, especially in South Asia, in an attempt to mete out justice and protect women. This form of retributive justice is rooted in the patriarchal idea that “rape takes a woman’s life away,” essentially implying that a woman’s value is intrinsically tied to her sex. This sort of logic supports the death penalty for rape because it is protecting a woman’s dignity. However, this form of punishment does not actually protect women. Supreme Court advocate Shoumendu Mukherjee emphasizes that there is “no significant correlation between the imposition of the death penalty and a reduction in crime rates.” By increasing the barriers to reporting and perpetuating victim-centric stereotypes, the Advocates for Human Rights cite a study that shows “imposing the death penalty for rape can be more harmful to victims.”

 

clearing cache to see changes with image
Image 2. Indian Supreme Court. Source: Yahoo Images

In the majority of rape cases, the woman knows her rapist. Adding the execution of someone she knows, perhaps a family member, friend, or coworker, to the punishment of rape further exacerbates the culture of silence and lack of willingness for women to speak up. With many rape cases, the most significant hurdle is getting victims to speak up. Many victims struggle with understanding what happened to them, so introducing the death penalty may discourage women from coming forward because they do not want to condemn someone close to them to death. Another consequence of capital punishment for rape is a backlog of rape cases to be filed and wrongful convictions—capital punishment for rape results in overburdening an already strained legal system. In order to systematically violence against women, the courts need a swift form of punishment. By heightening the punishment of these types of cases, the courts are delaying justice for the victims. Additionally, the pursuit of quick resolutions to satisfy public demand for justice can lead to rushed trials, which may undermine due process and increase the risk of wrongful convictions. Project 39-A conducted empirical research on the criminal justice system in India and found that convicts who are sentenced to death and who remain on death row are predominantly from poor and lower-caste communities, with little access to proper legal aid. Within the Indian legal system, public defenders are struggling to meet the requirements of this progressive law, and poor people are taking the blame for it. Before the court system passes progressive laws, it must enact reform within the present system so that this new legislation can be correctly put into practice.

What to Focus on Instead

Capital punishment exists in the Indian Penal Code, but studies have shown it is not an effective deterrent to violence against women. Madhya Pradesh had the highest number of death sentences awarded between 2016-2020 but remained one of the states with the highest number of rape cases in 2019. Additionally, women’s activists in India do not call on this type of reform and instead advocate for speedy trials, high conviction rates, and addressing systemic inequalities against women that lead to sexual violence against women. Kavita Krishnan, Secretary of the All India Progressive Women’s Association, argued that highly publicized executions of rape convicts result in more women being murdered to prevent them from surviving as witnesses. A 2021 study by Equality Now and Dignity Alliance International (DAI) found that rape survivors’ idea of justice does not include the death penalty.

The death penalty has been the center of a long-held debate; however, the idea that it is harmful is not a newfound discovery. Feminists in India maintain that capital punishment is dangerous for women and detracts attention from support services for women that encourage speaking up, counseling, and changing the current attitude towards women in society. This sentiment corroborates the 1977 US Supreme Court case, Coker v. Georgia, which argued that the death penalty for rape should be rejected as a remnant of an outdated, patriarchal system that treated women as the property of men requiring chivalric protection from men. This side has been around for a while, but it is now more relevant in terms of punishment for rape in South Asia.

 

clearing cache to see changes with image
Image 3. Indian Women Protesting Rape. Source: Flickr

Recommendations to Consider

Various studies accounts from survivors, and women’s rights organizations all contend that the death penalty is not an effective deterrent to rape. The death penalty is a cruel form of retributive justice that barely has a positive impact on victims or crime punishment. According to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the death penalty is a violation of the right to life. Instead of severe punishment, South Asian governments need to adopt a victim-centered approach to addressing rape and sexual violence. These alternatives involve strengthening legal protections for victims, providing access to victim advocates, enhancing the integrity of the criminal justice system, and offering public education on sexual violence along with training for the judiciary. Recognizing that criminal trials may not always bring the desired outcomes for victims or their families is essential in moving toward abolition and reducing reliance on the criminal justice system—including the death penalty—as the sole means of delivering justice. By addressing these systemic issues, we can bring about real change in the Indian government for all women in the country. This is certainly not a new conversation for advocates of women’s rights, but it is a conversation that needs to happen in order to enact substantive change. This is the first step to a long road of reeducation, raising awareness, and reframing the narrative. By taking these necessary steps, we can significantly curb the effects of violence against women around the world.

An Analysis of Voting Rights and Infringements: Pakistan

Pakistan’s Political Landscape

 

Pakistan is a unique country amalgamating diverse ethnicities, religions, regional dynamics, and political ideologies. Upon independence from British Colonial rule in 1947, Pakistan had experienced periods of military dictatorships interspersed with democratic governance. 

The creation of Pakistan’s democratic foundation is accredited to President Ayub Khan. He worked to create the Elective Bodies Disqualification Order of 1959; this was created to help prevent “free-for-all” fighting among politicians, having a negative impact on the country. Through this order, the beginning of the democratic order began, with the increased role of the civil bureaucracy and increased central authority. This order did not come without criticism, especially from the lay citizens; through the order, individuals were not incentivized to participate democratically in the country’s politics.

Photo of Benazir Bhutto attending an election rally.
Photo of Benazir Bhutto attending an election rally. Source: Flickr

A Turning Point in Pakistan’s Democratic Framework

 

The trajectory of Bangladesh’s secession from Pakistan demonstrates the complex interplay of socio-political forces. General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan, succeeding Ayub Khan, led Pakistan’s military regime from 1969 to 1971 amidst a backdrop of enduring military rule, reflecting a nation grappling with its identity; this was very different from the approach Ayub Khan had taken. The 1970 general elections, a watershed moment, laid bare the fissures of regionalism and social discord, with the Awami League ‘s electoral triumph in East Pakistan highlighting demands for provincial autonomy. Meanwhile, in West Pakistan, the Pakistan People’s Party’s populist surge under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto reshaped the political landscape, overshadowing traditional Islamic parties; however, fears of East Pakistani dominance spurred a political conspiracy thwarting the Awami League’s ascension, triggering armed rebellion and Indian intervention, culminating in the birth of Bangladesh in 1971 amid the throes of conflict.

 

Modern Implications of Political Success

 

The subsequent democratic experiment, marked by Bhutto’s ascendancy and ousting under General Zia-ul-Haq’s military rule, underscored Pakistan’s struggle for stability. Bhutto’s governance failed to bridge the chasm between rhetoric and reality, highlighting the entrenched power dynamics between civilians and the military. Even with elections, Pakistan’s democratic fabric remained frayed, with presidents wielding disproportionate influence compared to that of the prime minister. Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif and their descendants oscillated between who would be in power; this tumultuous change, albeit frequent, perpetuated a cycle of disillusionment and distrust among its citizenry. As subsequent administrations navigated the murky waters of power politics, from the restoration of parliamentary supremacy to Musharraf’s coup, the quest for a stable, inclusive democracy persists amidst the crucible of Pakistan’s diverse socio-political landscape.

 

Photo of previous prime minister of Pakistan, Imran Khan.
Photo of the previous prime minister of Pakistan, Imran Khan. Source: Flickr

2024 Elections

 

The foundation laid by historical nuances resulted in a unique 2024 election for the country. It all started in 2018 when Imran Khan, leader of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), was elected as the prime minister of Pakistan; after four years, however, Imran Khan was removed by the political opposition in a no-confidence vote. This vote followed Khan’s perceived economic mismanagement of the country, as inflation was at an all-time high, and the Pakistani rupee was plummeting alongside foreign currency. In addition, his commentary on foreign affairs, especially alongside Russia-US and China-US relations, were clauses of removal. Shehbaz Sharif, leader of the Pakistan Muslim League (PML), was then sworn in. Shortly after his removal from office, Imran Khan was sentenced to prison on terms of corruption, followed by a lengthened sequence on suspicion of leaking state secrets. The turbulence superseded the 2024 general election and contributed to allegations of political rigging and delayed results.

Results started on February 8th, when polls opened, demonstrated that PTI had a majority vote; many candidates had to run independently, so when there was no clear majority party, it was assumed that PTI maintained the majority vote. This was echoed by the Election Commission of Pakistan as well. This, however, was not reported, which raised suspicions and alluded to manipulation and political interference by external entities; comments were also rescinded from the Election Commission of Pakistan, resulting in concerns about the true results.

Amidst the election, the apolitical role of division commissioners had come under scrutiny amid concerns over their potential influence on election proceedings; despite official assertions of their non-involvement, apprehensions arose due to the appointment of electoral officers from within the hierarchy below a commissioner, raising suspicions of undue interference. This likely contributed to the hypothesized widespread electoral malpractice this past election. Urgent calls for a thorough investigation were prominent to understand the turn of events.

Internationally, the Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN) reported widespread obstruction of election observers and candidates in accessing crucial tabulation processes, casting doubt on the integrity of electoral outcomes this past February. FAFEN’s appeal for meticulous scrutiny of contested constituencies using advanced analytical methods underscores the imperative of upholding electoral legitimacy, echoing similar demands from political stakeholders.

Human Right Implications

 

As seen with the 2024 election, speculations, potential interference, and lack of transparency prevent voter’s voices from being uplifted in the election process. Without protections of free, fair, and honest elections, individuals cannot participate democratically. As seen with Pakistan, a long history of concerns about election malpractice decreases trust in the government and current democratic systems. It is important for Pakistan and future leaders to address underlying challenges to help foster a culture of accountability and integrity, helping pave the way for a representative democracy that will upload the voices of its citizens.



Understanding Vaccine Diplomacy in the Case of COVID-19: A Global Approach to Health EquityUnderstanding Vaccine Diplomacy: A Global Approach to Health Equity

In the landscape of global health, vaccine diplomacy has emerged as a compelling strategy, melding healthcare initiatives with international relations. This approach is pivotal in the ongoing battle against infectious diseases, most recently the COVID-19 pandemic. Vaccine diplomacy involves countries utilizing their surplus vaccine supplies to forge diplomatic ties, enhance global influence, and foster goodwill. This is often done in partnership with private pharmaceutical entities and public health organizations. However, while aiming to address the urgent need for equitable vaccine access worldwide, vaccine diplomacy raises critical questions concerning human rights and health equity on a global scale.

Evolution of Vaccine Diplomacy

The vaccine diplomacy has existed long before the COVID-19 pandemic, but we noted its increased influence during this unique time. Nations like the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom, possessing robust vaccine manufacturing capabilities, sought to leverage their surplus doses as a means of geopolitical influence. For example, the United States promised to donate over 1.1 billion vaccines by 2023. This approach gained momentum as vaccine shortages persisted across continents, exacerbating health inequities, especially among women and children, and prompting a response beyond national borders.

 

Photo of vaccine vile.Source: Flickr
Photo of vaccine vile. Source: Flickr

Examples of Vaccine Diplomacy

Vaccine diplomacy has manifested in diverse forms. China and Russia have actively supplied their respective COVID-19 vaccines, including Sinovac, Sinopharm, and Sputnik V, to various nations as part of aid packages or through bilateral agreements. India, known for its significant vaccine production capacity, contributed doses through the COVAX initiative and direct donations to neighboring countries and beyond. These mobilization efforts are valuable to the development and growth of vaccine diplomacy through the lens of aid. This improves the well-being of marginalized groups and pushes national interests abroad. 

Photo of kids lining up to get vaccinated.Source: Flickr
Photo of kids lining up to get vaccinated. Source: Flickr

Human Rights and Vaccine Diplomacy

At its core, vaccine diplomacy intersects with human rights, particularly the right to health. Access to vaccines is considered a fundamental human right, and ensuring equitable distribution is paramount to providing equal protection against COVID-19. Yet, the disparities in vaccine access have sparked concerns about the violation of this right for marginalized and vulnerable populations globally. Several countries have taken commendable steps to uplift vaccine diplomacy and do their part to make interventions more accessible. The United States pledged substantial donations of vaccine doses through COVAX and direct allocations to nations facing acute shortages, aiming to bolster global vaccine access. Countries like Sweden and Norway have also committed funds to support COVAX’s efforts in distributing vaccines to low-income nations.

To enhance the accessibility and efficacy of vaccine diplomacy, countries must prioritize transparent vaccine-sharing mechanisms, equitable distribution plans, and fair allocation strategies. Greater collaboration among nations, regulatory transparency, and a resolute commitment to multilateralism are essential elements for ensuring broader vaccine access. This can be done through working alongside pharmaceutical companies, local organizations, and many other avenues.

 

How to Get Involved

Individual engagement plays a pivotal role in advancing the cause of equitable vaccine distribution. Advocating for fair vaccine distribution, supporting initiatives that promote vaccine access in underserved communities, and raising awareness about the critical importance of global health equity are impactful ways for individuals to contribute. Engaging with policymakers, supporting organizations dedicated to vaccine distribution, and staying informed about global health issues are pivotal steps toward effecting change.

 

Vaccine diplomacy stands at the nexus of opportunity and challenge in addressing the global vaccine disparity. While it serves as a conduit for international cooperation, its success hinges upon ensuring vaccines reach those most in need, aligning with the fundamental principles of human rights and health equity.



Yemen in the News? Let’s Recap.

Picture showing buildings in Yemen on fire.
Air strikes hitting Yemen. Yahoo Images.

In the past couple of months, Yemen has been mentioned a lot. More specifically, the Houthis or, as some have called them, Ansarallah. You might be wondering first, “What is Yemen?” Why are they being talked about? Who are the Houthis/Ansarallah? How is Saudi Arabia involved? And where is the government? These are all questions that I heard many people around me ask. So, in this article, we will answer all these questions as well as explain Yemen’s situation and wars coming from a Yemeni American. 

HISTORY 

Before diving into the issues concerning Yemen, we have to cover some important history of Yemen to have a full understanding. Yemen’s history can stretch back 3000 years and the biggest evidence of that is the architecture of the villages and towns in it. Yemen had three successive civilizations: Minean, Sabaean, and Himyarite. 

Ancient Yemen played a crucial role in overland trade between Egypt, Mesopotamia, and the Mediterranean civilizations due to its strategic location. Pre-Islamic trading kingdoms, such as Minaean and Saba’, thrived on incense trade. The decline began with the Romans favoring the Red Sea, leading to the loss of wealth for southern Arabian kingdoms.

The rise of Islam in the 7th century saw Yemen’s rapid conversion. Muslim caliphs ruled, followed by local dynasties like Zaydi imamate and Rasulids. The Ottoman Empire took control in the 16th century, bringing Yemen under their rule. Despite a flourishing coffee trade, Yemen remained culturally isolated.

The 19th century marked the division of Yemen into North and South, controlled by the Ottomans and British, respectively. North Yemen faced opposition, leading to the Ottoman evacuation in 1918. Two powerful imams ruled North Yemen until the 1962 revolution, resulting in the establishment of the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR).

The YAR faced internal conflicts and external interventions, including support from Egypt and Saudi Arabia. A coup in 1974 led to military rule under Colonel Ibrahim al-Hamdi. His assassination in 1977 and subsequent leaders set the stage for the lengthy presidency of Ali Abdullah Saleh, who ruled North Yemen until its unification with South Yemen in 1990.

TIMELINE OF YEMEN’S CONFLICT

Yemen’s modern history is a tumultuous journey marked by political transitions, civil wars, and external interventions. Understanding the dynamics of this complex narrative is crucial, especially for students seeking clarity amid the intricate details. Let’s embark on a journey through the early years of Yemen, focusing on key events involving President Ali Abdullah Saleh and the Houthi rebels.

In the 1990s, Yemen underwent a significant transformation with the reunification of North and South Yemen. Ali Abdullah Saleh, the president of North Yemen since 1978, transitioned to become the president of the Republic of Yemen. Concurrently, the Zaidi-Shia group Ansar Allah, commonly known as the Houthis, gradually gained power, with President Saleh’s tacit support. A brief civil war erupted in 1994 between the unintegrated armies of the north and south, resulting in the defeat of the southern army and solidifying Yemen’s reunification.

In 2000, President Saleh reached a border demarcation agreement with Saudi Arabia, seeking to disarm the Houthis, whom he had previously considered a valuable tool against Saudi interference. Tensions escalated between Saleh’s government and the Houthis, leading to a rebellion in 2004 initiated by Hussein Badreddin al-Houthi.

The conflict unfolded in several phases, with government crackdowns, rebellions, ceasefires, and amnesty grants. Saleh’s government faced sporadic clashes with the Houthis, and in 2010, Operation Scorched Earth aimed to crush the rebellion. The Houthis, however, persisted, engaging in cross-border clashes with Saudi forces.

Inspired by the Arab Spring, Yemen experienced widespread demonstrations in 2011, calling for an end to Saleh’s 33-year rule. Despite initial concessions, the protests intensified, leading Saleh to agree to a Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)-brokered deal. However, clashes persisted until November 2011, when Saleh’s deputy, Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi, assumed power.

The National Dialogue Conference in 2014 laid the groundwork for a new constitution, and a political transition plan was approved. However, anti-government protests erupted, leading to the dissolution of President Hadi’s cabinet. In 2014, the Houthis seized control of Sanaa, and by early 2015, they took over the Yemeni government, prompting President Hadi to flee.

In response to Houthi advances, a Saudi-led coalition initiated Operation Decisive Storm in 2015, launching indiscriminate airstrikes and imposing a naval blockade. Despite subsequent efforts like Operation Restoring Hope, the conflict escalated, leading to a dire humanitarian crisis. Yemen became a battleground, but not for what is being told. One of those example is Al-Mahra. 

In the shadows of Yemen’s well-documented conflicts lies a lesser-known struggle for control in the easternmost governorate of Al-Mahra. While the global narrative often focuses on the Houthi rebellion and the Saudi-led coalition’s efforts, the intricate dynamics at play in Al-Mahra offer a unique perspective on regional power shifts and economic interests.

Since 2017, Al-Mahra residents have witnessed a gradual influx of Saudi troops, raising concerns and sparking anxiety among the local population. What initially seemed like a limited military presence evolved into a comprehensive campaign by Saudi Arabia to establish control over the governorate, extending its influence to the Omani border in the east.

The intensified Saudi presence in Al-Mahra, marked by establishing over 20 military bases and outposts, fueled speculations regarding the kingdom’s interest in constructing an oil pipeline. With a population of no more than 300,000, Al-Mahra became a battleground for what some believed was a strategic move to secure a pipeline route for Saudi crude oil to the Arabian Sea.

Leaked diplomatic cables from 2008 revealed Saudi Arabia’s longstanding interest in building a pipeline by securing territories and gaining the loyalty of local leaders. The Saudis went beyond military installations, recruiting Mahri locals and attempting to create their irregular military force. The transfer of Mahri tribes from Saudi Arabia to Al-Mahra further deepened suspicions, leading to clashes between Mahri tribes and Saudi engineering crews.

Saudi forces secured Nishtun port, raising suspicions that it could serve as the intended site for an oil export terminal. A leaked memo from 2018, thanking the Saudi ambassador for a feasibility study on an oil port, added fuel to the speculation. While not explicitly mentioning Al-Mahra, the memo heightened concerns and contributed to the belief that Saudi Arabia was preparing to extend an oil pipeline through Yemen.

 

Governaorates in Yemen
Governorates in Yemen.

Amidst these developments, skepticism arose, suggesting that Saudi deployments and tactics aimed to counter Oman’s influence in Al-Mahra. Tensions between Saudi Arabia and Oman, exacerbated by the Yemen war, saw Oman leveraging various factors, including granting citizenship and maintaining ties with Mahri political leaders, to resist Saudi influence. Publicly, Saudi Arabia claimed its troop deployments focused on combating Houthi arms smuggling.

Critics argue that the theory of a Saudi pipeline in Al-Mahra is implausible given Yemen’s entrenched political instability. Protecting a multi-billion dollar pipeline would pose significant challenges with ongoing conflicts, external pressures, and internal threats. Even before the 2011 uprising, reports suggested Yemen’s volatility made it unsuitable for such projects. Adding another layer to the complexity of this conflict. 

International outrage grew over the humanitarian crisis, and in 2018, the US Senate invoked the War Powers Resolution to end its support for the Saudi-led coalition. The Stockholm Agreement in December 2018 aimed for a ceasefire, but peace remained elusive.

In February 2021, President Biden announced a shift in the US approach, revoking the Houthi FTO designation and ending support for the Saudi-led coalition’s offensive operations. Efforts toward peace continued, with UN-mediated talks and a two-month truce declared in April 2022. 

NOW

Despite the recent peace agreement between the Houthi rebel group and the Saudi-led coalition, Yemen continues to make headlines due to the dire humanitarian situation and escalating conflicts. The so-called “peace” only involved the Houthi rebels and the coalition, leaving the rebel group in power and the Yemeni people still suffering. Let’s examines the recent events that have unfolded in Yemen, shedding light on the complexities of the situation.

By mid-2023, dissatisfaction with the Houthi rebels’ control began to rise among the Yemeni population. The rebels’ oppressive regime, characterized by restrictions on rights, exorbitant “protection” fees, and crippling economic conditions, fueled public discontent. However, the rebels cleverly diverted attention by exploiting the longstanding Yemeni support for Palestine. On December 9, the rebels announced their blockade of Israeli ships in the Red Sea, citing the ongoing situation in Gaza as the reason. This move united Yemenis, temporarily halting internal uprisings and garnering increased support for the rebel group.

In response to the rebel blockade, the US and UK coalitions initiated airstrikes on multiple Yemeni cities on January 11. The airstrikes were portrayed as retaliation for the rebels’ interference with ships due to the Gaza conflict. This military response effectively quashed any attempts at democracy, sparking anger and resentment among Yemenis who felt victimized by the international intervention.

The US-led coalition’s bombing campaign intensified, with the worst attack occurring on February 3. Many described it as more severe than previous assaults, even during the Saudi-led coalition’s offensive. The bombings targeted vital infrastructure, including one of Yemen’s international airports, resulting in halted flights, disrupted electricity, and widespread fear among the population.

Yemen, already grappling with eight years of conflict, faced an alarming humanitarian crisis. The World Food Programme (WFP) highlighted the unprecedented level of hunger, with 17 million Yemenis experiencing food insecurity. Child malnutrition rates were among the highest globally, and a significant portion of families lacked essential dietary elements. The WFP’s December 5 announcement of a pause in food distribution in the North due to funding shortages further worsened the situation.

UN Secretary-General António Guterres pleaded for de-escalation, urging all sides to avoid worsening the situation. Despite initial warnings and concerns expressed by global leaders, including President Joe Biden, the airstrikes persist, deepening the crisis in Yemen.

As Yemen grapples with the aftermath of international airstrikes, the fragile peace has shattered, leaving millions of Yemenis in an increasingly dire situation. The humanitarian crisis, exacerbated by disrupted food distribution and ongoing military actions, demands urgent attention and international cooperation to alleviate the suffering of the Yemeni people.