By Geography – Page 2 – UAB Institute for Human Rights Blog

Why Climate Change Isn’t Just a Youth Issue: Elderly Swiss Women Win Landmark Climate Change Case

Image 1. Woman in the middle of climate crisis. Source: Yahoo Images

As we walk on campus, we take note of leaves changing colors, the days getting shorter, and wafts of pumpkin spice lattes from Starbucks. These are all telltale marks of autumn, and yet it is still 70 degrees Fahrenheit in November. Despite the seasonal signs, the weather has seemed to get the memo that it is fall. Theheat from the summer has overstayed its welcome, and many people have started to take notice. This sense of dissonance is more than just an anomaly; it is clear indicator of the ongoing climate crisis. The persistent heat underscores how climate change is shifting familiar seasonal patterns, affecting agriculture, and disrupting our daily lives. Even though climate change affects all of us, it seems that the onus falls on the younger generation to fix this problem. For example, data from Climate Change in the American Mind surveys revealed younger generations are more likely than older generations to view global warming as personally important and/or to express a willingness to engage in climate activism. The growing sentiment that climate change is the young people’s problem. However, there is a group of elderly Swiss women who beg to differ on this issue.

In Klimaseniorinnen Schweiz and Others v. Switzerland, a group representing over 2,500 older Swiss women argued that the Swiss government’s insufficient action to address global warming violated their fundamental rights to health and life, putting them at heightened risk of death during heatwaves. On Tuesday, April 9, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that Switzerland’s inadequate response to climate change indeed infringed on its citizens’ human rights, setting a powerful precedent for future climate-related cases. This landmark ruling from Europe’s top human rights court has underscored a crucial shift in the fight against climate change. The elderly women who banded together to fight climate change emphasized how climate issues increasingly affect people of all ages. This victory for climate rights activists has come at a time when the impacts of climate change are palpable, with record-high temperatures extending into fall.

Image 2. Elderly Women in a Group. Source: Yahoo Images

Background

Despite being a part of the Paris Agreement, Switzerland has failed to curb greenhouse emissions, limit the effects of global warming, or cap rising temperatures. Studies show that “Switzerland broke temperature records on the ground last summer and at the zero-degree line.” This lack of action has resulted in many people being affected by climate change especially older women. One of the members of Klimaseniorinnen, Elisabeth Stern, while riding on public transit suffered from a heat wave that led to a panic attack. She comments to Time magazine about how awful the experience was, “I could hardly breathe.” Several other older Swiss women were experiencing adverse effects from the severe heat wave occurring in the country. They compiled their experiences and filed a lawsuit against the Swiss government for their inaction in addressing the growing climate control problem. The Klimaseniorinnen kept getting their case thrown out by the lower courts. After the Swiss Supreme Court rejected their case, the group had exhausted all legal options. The women were faced with the challenge of bringing the fight to an authority higher than the Swiss government. As their health grew more perilous, they were left with no option other than to file their suit with the European Court of Human Rights.

The group presented their findings along with research that shows why heat has a greater impact on women’s health including data by researchers at The Pennsylvania State University which support that heat kills more women than men, finding that older women are physiologically more vulnerable to high heat and humidity than older men. After reviewing all the evidence and personal stories, the Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights sided with the Klimaseniorinnen , representing a significant victory in climate litigation cases. Court President Síofra O’Leary stated that the Swiss government had not met its own greenhouse gas reduction targets and lacked a national carbon budget, even as the impacts of global warming become increasingly evident. However, the state of Switzerland still has to comply with the higher court’s ruling. The decision from the European Court of Human Rights reflects a shift towards protecting the climate as a human right. The right to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment is a universally recognized human right, according to Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It is a violation of basic human rights for a government to not meet emissions targets or otherwise work to fight climate change. With Switzerland being one of the richest countries, the government is equipped with the resources and tools to enact climate change policies that benefit the people. While this case sets a progressive precedent when it comes to government policy on climate issues, the real change requires work and action behind these decisions.

Image 3. Swiss Alps. Source: Yahoo Images

What to Watch For

This recent ruling from Europe’s top human rights court could compel Switzerland to accelerate its reduction of fossil fuel consumption, aligning more closely with its commitments to combat climate change. Fossil fuels, the primary driver of human-caused climate change, continue to be central to Switzerland’s emissions, despite the country’s pledge to cut greenhouse gas emissions by 50% by 2030, compared to 1990 levels. Although the Swiss government had introduced stronger measures to achieve this target, a 2021 referendum saw voters reject these policies, viewing them as too burdensome. By linking climate change with human rights, the court has opened the door to further climate litigation worldwide, likely encouraging more lawsuits in other countries as citizens demand government accountability for climate inaction.

Climate change has had a disproportionate impact on older women, who are particularly vulnerable to rising temperatures. In Europe, a study estimated that extreme heat contributed to over 70,000 excess deaths in 2022 alone, with older populations bearing the brunt of these fatalities. Women in this age group are more susceptible to heat-related illnesses due to a range of factors, including age-related health conditions, reduced capacity to regulate body temperature, and often limited mobility, which can make it harder to access cooling resources. As climate change drives more frequent and intense heatwaves, older women face heightened risks, making climate action not only an environmental imperative but also a matter of protecting public health. With this decision, the Swiss government should enact policies that aim to address these issues, support elderly women’s health, and protect its citizens against the mitigating effects of climate change.

Call to Action

The time to act is now—demand bold climate policies from your leaders and take a stand for a sustainable future. One way to participate is to join grassroots movements amplify your voice and ensure that climate justice remains a priority in your local community. Our planet’s future depends on us, so it is important to support legislation that addresses climate change and fight for meaningful environmental reforms. You have the power to make a difference, so do not wait for change. Together, we can work towards building a sustainable and equitable future and it starts by taking action today

Civil War in Sudan: What is Happening and How to Help

none — Image 1. Sudan Civil War Refugee Holding up Sudan’s Flag. Source: Yahoo Images.

After claiming over 20,000 lives, the civil war in Sudan rages on due to the deadlock position of the opposing sides. The conflict began in April of 2023 and is now coming up on two years of fighting, displacement, and destruction in the region. Nearly 8.2 million civilians have been displaced, and about 46,700 people were forced to leave within the span of a week, October 20-27. As families seek safety in other locations, some face challenges such as hunger, violence, and lack of medical aid. Those who remain face severe threats, including potential sexual assault and fear for their life. The situation grows more precarious as the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), led by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a paramilitary group led by General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, commonly known as “Hemedti” remain resistant to negotiations. Waiting for ceasefire operations to take place is not a realistic option. Sudanese people need protection now. International humanitarian law requires governments to take on the responsibility of protecting their citizens. It is time to respond to the humanitarian crisis occurring in Sudan.

Political Context Behind the Civil War

The tendrils of political unrest had been growing in Sudan for many years, but the catalyst event for the war took place in April of 2019 when the military coup deposed the president of 30 years. President Omar al-Bashir was arrested and forced from power in a military coup led by SAF and RSF forces after decades of government power. It began with protests spreading across the country demanding his removal due to his influence in the Darfur ethnic cleansing and the secession of South Sudan. The International Criminal Court has charged al-Bashir with five counts of crimes against humanity and two counts of war crimes. The corruption, mass-killing, and humanitarian issues were significant factors behind the military coup of 2019. Afterward, the SAF, RSF and civilian political leaders were faced with the question of how to integrate the RSF into the SAF, and who would assume leadership of the newly consolidated government. Negotiations to resolve the issue petered off and violence quickly became the deciding factor. These two military factions, SAF and RSF, were battling for control, which led to the current civil war taking place in Sudan.

Consequences of War

Since the coup in 2019, an unprecedented form of fighting has occurred in Sudan. During previous civil wars, the government was fighting rebel groups. In this case, RSF is a legal paramilitary force at war with SAF another military organization. As war spreads across the country, the civilian death toll rises and the lives at risk continue to climb. Civilians are still subjected to torture and summary executions, while women and girls endure widespread sexual violence. The conflict has decimated the country’s healthcare system further exacerbating the situation. More than 70 percent of health facilities are currently non-functional due to looting, occupation, or destruction. Healthcare workers are unable to provide aid to victims of the conflict because they lack resources and pay. Many basic services such as access to food, safe drinking water, and a clean and healthy environment, have been reduced. High rates of malnutrition coupled with low levels of immunization have resulted in catastrophic impacts, particularly for children. Disease outbreaks will continue to spread without proper healthcare infrastructure.

The geographic disposition of Sudan has compounded the effects of the civil war with almost 600,000 people affected by heavy rains and flooding across the country. According to the Sudan Floods Dashboard, this has resulted in an estimated 180,835 people have been displaced, 97 people have been killed, and 124,196 households have been destroyed. Flooding has intensified food insecurity, especially in areas where an estimated 230,700 people are at high risk of famine. These communities have been devastated by the recent severe weather, exacerbating an already critical situation. The civil war in Sudan has left millions suffering, large populations forced to leave, and much of Sudan cut off from humanitarian assistance.

Need for Resolution

The Sudanese Civil War has plunged the country into devasting turmoil. The two sides fighting, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), have no intention to stop anytime soon. Multiple efforts toward a U.N.-brokered humanitarian cease-fire only yielded partial success. In March of this year, the UN Security Council (UNSC) passed a resolution calling for an immediate cessation of violence in Sudan, but the resolution did not succeed. Initiatives like the Emergency Response Rooms, the Sudanese American Public Affairs Association, mutual-aid networks, and other civil society organizations have been highly active on the ground, courageously working despite immense danger. However, their numbers have dwindled as Sudan’s persistent violence continues to take a toll.

Without cooperative intervention, the crisis will only continue to escalate, leading to more lives lost and the future of hope distant. As a part of the international community, we must play a more active role in mediating the conflict and supporting peace efforts in Sudan. A peaceful resolution to the Sudanese Civil War is not only essential for the stability of Sudan but is also a humanitarian imperative. The brutality of the conflict—marked by widespread torture, summary executions, and pervasive sexual violence— is a clear violation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Donating to institutions like the International Rescue Committee can help support an integrated water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) program, child protection services and support for women and girls, including services for survivors of gender-based violence (GBV), health and nutrition services provided through static health facilities, and livelihood assistance through multi-purpose cash aid to internally displaced persons and members of the communities that host them. Together we can call for an end to the civil unrest in Sudan. Raising awareness about the crisis in Sudan is essential to mobilize support and resources for those affected. Using social media to repost advocacy organizations such as the Carter Center, the Sudan Relief Fund, and Mercy Corps International Sudan is a great way to use the platform to advocate for Sudan. As members of a global community, it is our moral obligation to ensure that Sudan can rebuild and move toward a future of peace and prosperity.

New Italy-Albania Migration Deal Raises Human Rights Concerns

Throughout the past decade, the European Union (EU) has seen a rapid influx of refugees entering its countries as people flee violence, war, and persecution. Though this number peaked in 2015, a notable amount of migrants have continued to enter Europe, with roughly 385,000 seeking safety in European countries throughout 2023 alone. While irregular border crossings make up a small percentage of total immigration, concerns surrounding asylum-seekers and migrants have risen throughout the EU and have become highly politicized topics. Today, many countries in the region argue for strict border protections and harsher policies to be implemented into the union.

Being a coastal nation, Italy claims it has received a greater burden than other EU countries have, taking in over one million migrants since 2013. To counter this, Italy has recently entered into a deal with Albania, hoping to minimize immigration numbers. This agreement, pushed forward by Italy’s anti-immigration prime minister Giorgia Meloni, allows Italy to build and manage immigration detention centers within Albania’s borders and promises quicker screening of asylum claims. Albania will only receive those from “safe” countries, or nations the agreement deems free from violence and persecution; those seeking refuge from countries outside this list will continue to have their claims heard in Italy. While many argue that this system is an innovative solution to the question of immigration throughout the European Union, these decisions have been criticized by human rights advocates and Italy’s own judicial branch and raise concerns surrounding the treatment of asylum-seekers on a global scale.

A large groups of asylum-seekers sit near the Italian coast after their journey from their home country. — Image 1: Migrants sit on the Italian coast. Source: Yahoo Images

What is the Italy-Albania Agreement on Migration?

The Italy-Albania migration deal, finalized earlier this year and set into force in October, is an agreement between the two countries and is meant to reduce the number of immigrants entering Italy. Under this program, male asylum-seekers from predetermined “safe” countries found outside the European Union’s territorial waters are transferred to detention centers in Albanian cities. At these centers, detained migrants will experience expedited screenings, receiving their claim results in 28 days or less, with each person’s claim being reviewed by special courts. Based on the verdict, those granted asylum will be transferred to Italy, and those whose claims are rejected will be repatriated or sent back to their home country. Women, children, and vulnerable groups will be immediately sent to Italy, and it is promised that families will not be separated.

This project is set to last for five years, process 36,000 claims annually, and have a total cost of 670 million euros, or $729 million. Albanian detention facilities will fall entirely under Italian jurisdiction and be fully staffed by Italian citizens, obligating these centers to remain compliant with the European Union’s laws on immigration and protected by the European Convention on Human Rights. As mentioned, these centers will only detain those from “safe” countries. These are countries that the agreement deems free of persecution, torture, and other forms of inhuman treatment. This list originally included 22 nations but was recently reduced to 19. It lists countries such as Egypt, Tunisia, and Bangladesh, and happens to include nations with some of the highest migration numbers. Migrants from these countries can still apply for asylum, though the odds of being granted are slim, as the agreement acknowledges that most of these claims will be rejected. Those whose claims are rejected will remain in Albania until plans are made to return them to their country of origin.

Albanian and Italian prime ministers shake hands after singing new immigration deal — Image 2: Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni shakes hands with Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama. Source: Yahoo Images

Objectives of the New Italy-Albania Migration Deal

One of the primary objectives of this initiative is to reduce overcrowding along the Italian coast and islands, where an average of 100,000 migrants arrive each year. Typically, asylum claims are applied for at the Border Police Station. By relocating potential immigrants before they reach this destination, the average is expected to shrink. Similarly, by targeting refugees from safe countries, the likelihood that these claims receive an asylum grant is small, meaning fewer people are taken into Italy. This all feeds into one of the biggest reasons behind this deal: deterrence. As asylum claims are rejected in higher numbers and refugees cannot reach the European Union, the Italian government hopes that this will discourage others from attempting this journey.

Threats to Human Rights

This agreement has remained controversial since its inception, with many people questioning its adherence to human rights protection, mainly regarding the treatment of vulnerable populations, prolonged detention, and the right to nationality. Under this agreement, those considered “vulnerable,” such as those in need of specific medical attention or with serious medical conditions, are at risk of not receiving proper treatment, as the law lacks written procedures to help such groups. As Amnesty International points out, “there is no clarity on whether such procedures would take place on board the rescue vessels or after disembarkation in Albania,” meaning there is no reassurance that at-risk groups will receive medical attention in a timely manner. This concern has appeared to have some validity, as it has recently been exposed that there are no mechanisms aboard ships that could properly classify someone as vulnerable. Similarly, a majority of asylum-seekers experience some sort of physical, sexual, or psychological abuse prior to or during their journey that would grant them protection from detention.

This program also puts refugees at risk of prolonged detention. International migration standards assert that migration-related detention should avoid being prolonged or indefinite. While the Italy-Albania agreement writes that asylum claims should be granted within 28 days of detention, all necessary procedures, including organizing repatriation, could take up to 18 months. Similarly, the treaty does not write out an explicit cap for detention, meaning detention could continue to surpass the initial 28-day goal.

The Italy-Albania migration deal also raises concerns regarding the right to nationality. Following a rejected asylum claim, plans regarding repatriation are then made with the refugee’s country of origin. However, states may ignore these requests or refuse to work with Italy. Being rejected by Italy and without the support of their home country, asylum-seekers may be left without international representation, thus rendering them devoid of nationality.

Migrants fill an entire boat which is on route to Italy — Image 3: Refugees begin their journey to Italy. Source: Yahoo Images

Pushback

This program has also been relatively controversial within Italy, with the Italian courts pushing back against Prime Minister Meloni’s plan. Following the first ship of migrants arriving in Albania, the national courts ruled that all 16 asylum-seekers be transferred to Italy rather than remain in the outsourced detention centers. Though coming from the list of safe countries, the judges concluded that the repatriation of the refugees would put them at risk of violence, thus accepting their asylum claims. More recently, the courts ordered the transfer of seven more men from Albania to Italy, again going against the vision presented by Meloni’s government. In this case, the courts explained that for a country to be deemed safe, all cities and regions must be free of persecution and violence, not just select areas. Between these two cases, all 24 detainees have been sent to Italy following their forcible detention in Albania.

This program is also largely unpopular among the Italian populace, with only 30% approval.

This deal follows other agreements Prime Minister Meloni has made with other states regarding immigration. In 2023, the Italian government and the European Union provided monetary and technical support to Libya, encouraging their coast guard to intercept fleeing citizens and forcibly bring them back to the country. Those who attempted to escape were left vulnerable once they returned, often being subjected to various human rights abuses such as torture and sexual exploitation. Prime Minister Meloni has also offered to provide financial assistance to North African countries in an attempt to minimize immigration.

Conclusion

Though initially regarded as a promising answer to European migration, the Italy-Albania agreement has been frequently challenged by both human rights institutions and Italy’s own courts. Though all Albanian detainees have been transferred to Italy, this program raises questions regarding the treatment of refugees, making this issue important to monitor.

Pélicot Trial Questions French Laws Regarding Sexual Assault

Gisèle and Dominique Pélicot got married in the spring of 1973 in France at the age of 21. Considered the ideal couple that managed to find rare and great love in their life stories, it was a tale that brought about three children and seven grandchildren. A loving marriage of about 50 years with regular family vacations. When the couple decided to finally retire and move to Mazan in 2013, Gisèle’s health started to deteriorate unexpectedly and inexplicably. She began to lose hair, lose weight, and lose considerably large gaps of memory, as accounted for by herself and her children. Overcome with the fear of Alzheimer’s, Gisèle remained unaware of the sickening truth that her now former and arrested husband had been concealing. A truth that had been hidden for a decade.

The Act Revealed

While in a grocery store, Dominique Pélicot was stopped by a security guard for filming under various women’s skirts in 2020. This led to his arrest and an investigation that revealed the heinous acts committed by Pélicot.

Over 20,000 photographs and video footage of numerous men sexually abusing an unconscious woman were uncovered. The data had been organized in a folder labeled “abuse,” with dates and names attached to most of them. Messages sent by Pélicot to recruit these men were found, and the unconscious woman was identified to be Gisèle.

Once taken into custody, Dominique made his confession. From 2011 to 2020, he had been crushing Lorazepam, a psychoactive drug intended for anxiety and sleep, into Gisèle’s food and drinks before bed. It is believed that Dominique Pélicot had been prescribed about 780 Lorazepam tablets over the years. Not only was Pélicot drugging his wife for almost a decade, but it was also the cause behind her deteriorating health.

Image 1: Lorazepam tablets on a table. | Source: Yahoo Images

In addition, there are claims indicating that there were nude photos of his daughter and daughters-in-law found in the data that were taken without permission.

When Gisèle was asked to come to the police station, she initially defended her husband as being a good man who would not do such things. This faith and trust of hers were completely shattered when the uncovered evidence was shown. Within a short time period of leaving the station, she filed for divorce. “I don’t know if I’ll ever rebuild myself,” she stated.

Court Trial

The trial of Dominique Pélicot began on September 2nd of this year. The case is being held in the Avignon court with five judges and is anticipated to last until December 2024. Although authorities have 72 suspects in accordance with the footage and photographs, 51 men are on trial, including Dominique, with the risk of up to twenty years of prison time each. The spread of this network began in an online chatroom named “à son insu” or “without her knowledge.”

Although Dominique has openly admitted to raping Gisèle and speaks of remorse, that is not the case for all the men. Thirty-five due to various arguments. Such reasonings include thinking Gisèle had consented and was faking her sleep, thinking they were partaking in a game, thinking they had been tricked by Dominique, thinking they were forced or terrified, and, most commonly, thinking that Gisèle’s husband’s consent was enough. Contrarily, lawyers have stated that the video footage displaying smiles and moments of joy for these men is enough to reflect their hypocrisy.

Most of these men ranged from ages 25 to 74 and lived within a 60-kilometer distance of Mazan. Some had previous records of domestic violence, sexual violence, drunk driving, and possession of drugs. This included nurses, journalists, prison wardens, farmers, soldiers, tilers, and more. People that we may encounter in our daily lives.

A 43-year-old carpenter defendant who has been recorded in the Pélicot home in October 2019 and January 2020 claims to have been a part of a simple sexual game with Gisèle being a consenting partner, according to her husband. “Now that I am being told how the events unfolded, yes, the acts I committed would amount to rape,” he states, yet he continues to insist he is innocent of the charges.

A 37-year-old agricultural worker who was in the Pélicot home on 2018 New Year’s Eve states that rape was not his intention. Upon receiving permission from Gisèle’s husband, he considered her consent to be received alongside.

This is a case of barbaric actions accompanied by ongoing denial of harm to its victim, who unknowingly suffered physical violations, emotional and mental collapses, health struggles, and questions about her ability to continue her life. It is undeniable that the actions committed by these men, for almost a decade, breach the rights and basic expectations Gisèle had of privacy and comfort in her own home. Yet, despite the anguish and shattering of her trust, she decided to stand tall and publicize the case, contrary to the court’s suggestion of anonymity. “Shame must change sides,” Gisèle says.

Image 2: A photograph of Gisèle surrounded by cameras recording her. | Source: Flickr

Receiving bouquets, applause, strangers standing outside the court, and demonstration marches, the support and love of the public have been with Gisèle, now a symbol of fighting against sexual violence, since the beginning. This is due to the lifting of anonymity from the case, which has now also become a source of hope that the questionable French laws on sexual crimes may change.

The Controversial French Law

France established a legal age of sexual consent fairly recently in 2021. This was due to public commotion demanding the reinvestigation of an 11-year-old girl’s rape. In continuation, it is hoped that the publicizing of the Pélicot trial and the public support for Gisèle may bring changes to France’s controversial definition of rape.

The European Union has been pushing for a common law on sexual assault for a while. Surprisingly, what divides the countries is whether consent matters. In France, prosecutors must prove the use of violence or threat in their cases, with consent being irrelevant, as displayed in the arguments of the Pélicot case defendants. For years, France has defined rape as actions committed “by violence, constraint, threat or surprise.” Advocacy for consent-based legislation on rape has been ongoing since before the Pélicot trial. However, authorities have shown little progress.

In November 2023 and February 2024, proposals suggesting rewriting French criminal codes for rape to include “without voluntary consent” went to the Senate and the National Assembly of the French Parliament, respectively. However, neither bill made it, and no conclusions have been delivered.

Image 3: The building housing the Nation Assembly of France, the lower house of the French Parliament. | Source: Flickr

Alongside other lawmakers, earlier this spring, on International Women’s Day, President Emmanuel Macron expressed an imperative need for change in favor of adding consent to French laws. However, eight months without any reforms have passed.

This is a significant matter of concern as consent is not simply an addition to legal repercussions but a question of basic respect, dignity, and autonomy. Therefore, it is crucial that the legislature accounts for consent to reflect the protection of victims and the gravity of such heinous acts.

Moving Forward

Sexual abuse is a crime that can leave its victims with deep scars. Scars that remain beyond the physical act and result in tormenting emotional and mental impacts. Many suffer consequences that hinder their ability to truly live their lives and, as seen in the case of Gisèle, their ability to have an identity afterward. Yet, less than 10% of victims seek assistance from law enforcement.

Hence, it is incredibly important to stress that establishing stern preventive and protective measures in place in such cases is vital not only to supporting victims such as Gisèle but also to the maintenance of global human rights.

In several cities of France, such as Marseille, Nice, Paris, Rennes, and Nantes, thousands are gathering, chanting, and pledging their support for Gisèle and all victims of sexual assault, as well as pushing the government to revise their laws. If you are not in France or not able to join these voices, there are other methods of support to consider. This includes advocating for progression in the French legislature, supporting feminist organizations such as Fondation des Femmes, and spreading awareness on the Pélicot case and the response of the French Parliament. We must remember that the efforts we put in today to reform these laws will determine whether confidence and protection are given to the criminals or the victims in France.

On an ending note, if you have been a victim of sexual assault yourself, please call or text 1-800-656-4673.

Karoshi: The Problems with Japan’s Work Culture

A colorful, busy street in Osaka, Japan. — Image 1: Dotonbori Street in Osaka, Japan, Source: Yahoo Images

Japan is famous for its blend of traditional and modern customs, rich culture, and revolutionized technologies. The country has drawn in millions of foreign nationals for its high quality of life, safety, and efficient public transport—but perhaps especially for its employment opportunities.

About 3% of Japan’s workforce consists of foreign workers, having quadrupled in the past 15 years to 2.05 million. On the other hand, Japan’s population has been shrinking, with a steadily declining birth rate and rapid aging. There are many proposed causes for this crisis, including dwindling marriage rates, but it is worth noting the socioeconomic pressures that stem from high living costs, unfavorable job prospects, and a rigid corporate environment.

The labor shortage that Japan faces poses a major threat to its economy—and its historically unforgiving work culture likely plays a big role.

Work Culture in Japan

Work is a highly valued aspect of life in Japan, and with it comes the concept of company loyalty. This can be demonstrated by working many hours overtime; these hours are expected and sometimes even contracted. According to data by Japan’s health ministry, 10.1% of men and 4.2% of women worked over sixty hours a week in 2022.

Tim Craig, a researcher of Japanese culture, said that there is a certain social pressure associated with working overtime hours: “If they go home early, then their colleagues will (a) look askance at them, and (b) have to work more to cover for them. Either way, it’s not a good feeling.”

While Japan’s 2018 Workstyle Reform Act outlawed working more than 45 hours of overtime in a single month, it’s not uncommon for companies to force their employees to hide their true working hours or for employees to even do so of their own accord.

Additionally, only 7% of companies give their employees the legally mandated one day off per week. Japan has been trying to push a four-day work week since 2021, but it will take much more to entirely dismantle the deep-rooted idea that employees must give all of themselves to their company in order to thrive—Panasonic, one of the country’s leading companies, offered the option to 63,000 employees, and only 150 opted in.

A man asleep in a chair in an empty subway stop. — Image 2: A man asleep in a subway station, Source: Yahoo Images

Some companies employ shady business practices, operating what lawyers and academics call a “bait-and-switch” policy: employers will advertise a seemingly normal full-time position with reasonable working hours. The prospective employee is then offered a non-regular contract with longer hours and no overtime pay. If the employee refuses the job, companies might tell them that they will be given regular contracts after around six months. Younger applicants and women are particularly vulnerable due to a lack of experience or settling while trying to re-enter the workforce.

Another common issue is power harassment, which a reported third of the workforce has experienced. This is a common form of workplace harassment that has garnered attention across the past several decades and specifically involves someone in a higher position of power bullying a lower-ranking employee.

In 2020, the Power Harassment Prevention Act took effect, which outlines six types of power harassment, requires companies to take proper action against allegations of harassment, and ensures that workers aren’t dismissed for submitting complaints. However, Nikkei Asia reported in 2021 that complaints about workplace abuse had climbed to 88,000 cases a year, more than tripling in the past 15 years.

While these circumstances are not specific to Japan, they have certainly contributed to a phenomenon that was first identified there: karoshi, or death by overworking.

The History of Karoshi

Karoshi was first recognized in the 1970s and is a sociomedical term used to refer to fatalities or disabilities caused by cardiovascular attacks that are ultimately work-related. This includes strokes, cardiac arrest, and myocardial infarctions. The International Labour Organization’s case study into the phenomenon outlines the following typical case of karoshi: “Mr. A worked at a major snack food processing company for as long as 110 hours a week (not a month) and died from a heart attack at the age of 34. His death was approved as work-related by the Labour Standards Office.”

Related to karoshi is karojisatsu, which is suicide from overwork and stressful working conditions. This issue became prominent in the late 1980s—an economic recession during that decade forced employees who had managed to keep their jobs to work harder for longer hours to compensate.

Factors like repetitive tasks, interpersonal conflicts, inadequate rewards, employment insecurity, inability to meet company goals, forced resignation, and bullying create a psychological burden that has led countless workers to take their own lives. Japan’s white paper report revealed that in 2022, 2,968 people died by suicide linked to karoshi, an increase from 1,935 in 2021.

Hiroshi Kawahito, a workplace accident lawyer, told the Pulitzer Center in 2023 that he has worked on around 1,000 cases of karoshi during a 45-year-period, and despite repeated efforts by the Japanese government to combat suicide rates, he has not identified a significant change in the number of cases.

A group of Japanese citizens protesting karoshi on a street in Tokyo. — Image 3: A “No More Karoshi” protest in Tokyo in 2018, Source: Yahoo Images

He did note two concerning shifts over the course of his career: that karoshi-related suicide has become more common than cardiovascular attack, and that about 20% of his cases are now women, as they have begun to enter the workforce and experience sexual harassment at an overwhelming rate compared to their male counterparts.

A recent case of Kawahito’s from September 2023 involves the suicide of a 25-year-old actress from the musical theater company Takarazuka Revue, who was overworked and bullied by senior members. She logged a total of 437 hours in the final month of her life, of which 277 were overtime.

According to Kawahito, the actress worked without any days off for a month and a half and barely slept more than a few hours a night. Two years earlier, she suffered burns when a senior member pressed a hair iron against her forehead and faced immense pressure from the company. Kawahito claimed that “excessive work and power harassment damaged her physical and mental health, leading to her suicide.”

Governmental Response

Suicide was considered a taboo topic in Japan for decades; families affected were left with no outlet to cope with their loss. However, in 2006, more than 100,000 signatures were collected to push for legislation on suicide prevention, which led to The Basic Act of Suicide Countermeasures that went into effect the same year.

This act takes a three-pronged approach: social systems, local cooperation, and personal support creating relevant laws like the Act on Mental Health and Welfare. It provides support via relevant agencies at local and community levels, including hotlines and consultation services.

In 2016, the Basic Act was amended to require all prefectures and municipalities to establish local suicide prevention plans based on regional data collected by the National Police Agency. The General Principles of the Basic Act are also updated every five years to reflect current trends in suicide data.

The Work Style Reform Act of 2018 aims to promote a healthier work environment, setting overtime limits and establishing paid annual leave, as well as offering free consulting services and subsidies from the labor ministry. This has motivated the push for the four-day workweek, part of the ministry’s “innovating how we work” campaign.

Change might happen slowly in a society where values surrounding dedication and sacrifice are so deeply ingrained in its working population, but it is happening; between 2006 and 2022, the suicide rate has fallen by more than 35%. Efforts by the government to deter karoshi and combat the falling birth rate are in full swing and hope for a better future in Japan is still on the horizon.

China: Violations of Freedom of Expression, Speech, and Peaceful Assembly

China's flag in front of the Great Wall of China. — Image 1: China’s flag in front of the Great Wall of China. Source: Yahoo Image.

Thousands of miles away, activists for basic human rights sit in prison cells. Most await punishments that far exceed the crime. In China, heavy prison sentences weigh on the shoulders of its brightest human rights activists, scholars, and lawyers.

According to Amnesty International, freedom of expression and speech is having the right to say what you believe and to call for a better world. To express your freedom of speech is to be able to openly, and without consequences, critique those in power. The United Nations (UN) states that the right to peaceful assembly is the right to hold peaceful gatherings, sit-ins, rallies, and protests without fearing repercussions.

Who are They? And What Does the Law Say?

Image 2: Protesters in Qidong, China. Source: Yahoo Image.

Human rights lawyer, Ding Jiaxi, has been imprisoned since December 2019 for subversion of state power. Also arrested for subversion of state power was Xu Zhiyong, a legal scholar.

Ding Jiaxi and Xu Zhiyong are members of the New Citizens’ Movement, a group of activists dedicated to creating a better China. Xu and Ding co-created the movement back in 2012 in order to shed light on government corruption. After a meeting with the activist movement in December 2019 in a Chinese city called Xiamen, multiple members were arrested. As a result of their critique of the Chinese government’s handling of the coronavirus, Xue Zhiyong and Ding Jiaxi were charged with “subversion of state power.” Both have been imprisoned, with sources saying that they have been subjected to various forms of torture.

By examining China’s laws regarding freedom of press and expression, a clearer understanding of the regulations that restrict the people of China is achieved. The State Council of the People’s Republic of China Article 5 states that the government must protect their citizens’ right to freedom of press so long as they do not criticize the basic principles of the constitution. Citizens must abide by certain regulations put into place of what they can and cannot publish. In support, Article 26 outlines specific regulations such as, no publication shall oppose basic principles and shall not endanger the unification, sovereignty and integrity of the State.

How then, can a people that are restricted from criticizing their own government be considered free? In 1989, Tiananmen Square became a testament to just how far the Chinese government was willing to go to suppress its citizens dissent.

Tiananmen Square History and Influence of Chinese Activist

Man standing in front of military tanks. — Image 3: A man standing in front of military tanks at Tiananmen Square. Source: Yahoo Image.

During the month of April, in 1989, a peaceful gathering to mourn Hu Yaobang, a liberal Communist Party member, took place in Beijing at Tiananmen Square. The gathering calmly turned into demonstrations that called for the abrupt end of corruption in the Chinese government. An estimated one million people joined in to peacefully protest their grievances.

In response, Martial Law was enforced and thousands of troops were released upon the protesters. They opened fire on those gathered and plowed through the crowds with military tanks. To this day, the Chinese government refuses to release any new information regarding the massacre. This event is prohibited from being spoken about or commemorated in China and Hong Kong.

The total number of deaths is unknown in China’s attempt to purge the memory of Tiananmen Square from history. The event is censored; families have been unable to mourn or acknowledge their loved ones. People are forced to forget, and the truth is neglected from the knowledge of a new generation.

Zhou Fengsuo is the Executive Director of Human Rights in China and was also a student leader at the 1989 Tiananmen Square Massacre. What was supposed to be a peaceful demonstration turned into a horrific bloodbath. Zhou was there when his peers were shot down in front of him. His eyes are a witness to military tanks and tear gas being used as a means to end the uproar. In his testimony Zhou wrote, “The scene was that of a war zone; a war conducted by the CCP’s army against the Chinese people.” Zhou calls out on foreign governments to take a firmer stance on China’s violation of human rights.

Activists Imprisonment of Chinese and Hong Kong Human Rights Activist

Image 4: Large group of protesters at Hong Kong protest. Source: Yahoo Image.

Xu Zhiyong writes in his book, A Beautiful China -Thirteen-The Citizens Movement, about his vision for China. In his writings, he talks of a better China; one that is accomplished through peaceful protest and nonviolence. He says, “We are all Chinese, and we will build a beautiful China together in the future.” Throughout his collection of twenty-four essays he repeatedly reiterates the importance of unity.

To be a true citizen is to have basic rights. Xu writes that when they have the right to vote and to speak freely they will be true citizens. People that are free are ones that can openly and without fear criticize their governments. In A Beautiful China Xu says, “Amid the absurd, we stick to the truth; amidst evil, we hold fast to our conscience; in the darkness, we create light.” Many Chinese and Hong Kong activists are dedicated to changing their governments.

After being handed over to China in 1997, Hong Kong was promised fifty years with their independent government. Halfway through their allotted time, Beijing implemented a law that gave them further influence in Hong Kong. As of 2020, the new law in Hong Kong, known as the National Security Law (NSL), was passed. This law has since then increased prison sentences and allowed for extreme censorship.

Chow Hang-tung and Jimmy Lai are both Hong Kong activists. Jimmy Lai was arrested for “colluding with foreign forces” and sedition. His newspaper, Apple Daily, which advocated for human rights such as freedom of expression and speech, was later closed down in June 2021. He has been held in solitary confinement awaiting his trial to resume in November 2024. Lai is 76 years old and only gets around 50 minutes of time outside a day. Chow Hang-tung was arrested after attending a vigil for the Tiananmen Square Massacre. She was imprisoned for 22 months and faces possible imprisonment again for 10 years or more. The new National Security Law states that she was “inciting subversion.” She has also been subjected to solitary confinement.

Chow Hang-tung, Ding Jiaxi, and Jimmy Lai have been considered by Amnesty International to be prisoners of conscience. A prisoner of conscience is someone imprisoned because of political, social, religious, or other personal beliefs.

Conclusion: What is China’s Response? What is the Global Reaction?

The United Nation Human Rights Council accepted China’s report on their Human Rights achievement for the 56th Universal Periodic Review (UPR). While multiple activists remain imprisoned in solitary confinement, Chinese Daily flaunts the approval given to them for their advanced improvements in Human Rights by countries like Russia, Algeria, and Venezuela. Chinese Daily said, “China welcomes and remains open to all constructive suggestions that are proposed in good faith to help it improve its human rights conditions.” This seems to be the case so long as the criticism and call for improvements, recognition, and change do not come from Chinese or Hong Kong citizens.

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, continue to call for the release of activists Jimmy Lai, Chow Hang-tung, Ding Jiaxi, and Xu Zhiyong. Activists like Zhou Fengsuo, who has been advocating for change in China for many years, will continue the fight for human rights. It is through them that freedom will be achieved.

Buscadoras: Women Searching for the Disappeared in Latin America’s Enforced Disappearance

After 3 years of searching, Yanette Bautista finally reunited with her disappeared sister. In the outskirts of Bogota, Colombia, buried under NN (No Name), using the same dress and jacket she was last seen wearing, the body of Nydia Erika Bautista was found. After a witness from the Colombian military confessed and tipped off the location of the body, Yanette, her lawyer, and a forensics expert were able to dig up Nydia’s remains.

The Bautistas are one of the many direct and indirect victims of enforced disappearances in Latin America. To this day, thousands of people continue to be missing, and their loved ones continue their search, hoping to one day end their anguish and bring justice.

people wearing masks that say "Where are they?" — Image 1: People wearing masks that say, “Where are they?” Source: Yahoo Images.

[Image 2] The Search Commision and the organization "Buscando Hasta Encontrarte" (Searching until I Found You) signed a covenant to strenghten searches. Source: Yahoo Images. — Image 2: The Search Commission and the “Searching Until I Found You” organization signed a covenant to strengthen search efforts. Source: Yahoo Images.

Enforced disappearances overview

Enforced disappearances are the arrest or abduction by state authorities or political organizations. In these cases, perpetrators deny any involvement or refuse to reveal the victims’ location with the intend of keeping them out of the protection of the law. Enforced disappearances violate fundamental rights, including personal liberty, protection from torture, and access to a fair trial. The International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances was established in response to these grave violations. This convention is upheld by the Committee on Enforced Disappearances (CED) and the Working Group on Enforced Disappearances (WGEID), whose roles are to:

Ensure state compliance,
carry out investigations to locate victims and hold perpetrators accountable, and
provide reparations and support to affected families.

Enforced disappearances are widely spread in the Americas, linked to the proliferation of violent nonstate actors —gangs, cartels, armed groups—and serving as tools of state control. These disappearances have waves of repercussions, from the fear experienced by the victims to the sadness and uncertainty of their loved ones. Often testing the competency and efficiency of authorities, these disappearances force families to undertake searches when official investigations fail. Most victims of enforced disappearances are men, leading women and children to become the providers or breadwinners. The families, then, have great financial burdens and are more vulnerable to abduction due to their relations with disappeared family members, their role as witnesses and human rights activists, and their “defiance” of societal rules.

The work of women searchers

Despite having a target on their backs, women lead the search efforts for their loved ones, forming groups dedicated to collaboratively searching. They unite forces and resources to bring justice to their families. In the past, women-led collectives have done great work for the disappeared. Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo in Argentina and Chilean women of Calama are examples. These collectives deal with the disappearances that occurred during dictatorships or government regimes and the relocation of family members.

Nowadays, social media plays a crucial role in search efforts for missing persons. In Guanajuato, Mexico, the group Hasta Encontrarte (Until I Found You) uses its Facebook page to share information about missing individuals and mobilize support for their recovery. Beyond social media, organizations like The Nydia Erika Bautista Foundation, created by Yanette Bautista, provide legal support to families. This foundation documents the stories of the disappeared and offers leadership training through schools across Colombia to empower families and advocates.

[Image 3] The Nydia Erika Foundation. Source: Yahoo images. — Image 3: The Nydia Erika Bautista Foundation. Source: Yahoo images.

How are women searchers affected?

Although collectives have the urgency and willingness, they face the financial burden of searching. Transportation, gas, food, water, lodging accommodations, tents, and coal may be required depending on location. Luckily, they collect money by organizing raffles and sales while receiving company donations. However, some governments, like the Mexican administration, have recently passed legislation that makes registration of collectives stricter and the reception of donations more difficult.

What’s more, families may also be vulnerable to scams. American Spanish-language news outlet Univision News reported that activists in Mexico denounced groups that charge $29 to $147 per week (500-3,000 Mexican pesos). They take advantage of how desperate the families are to create a business. Unfortunately, families may find these scamming groups before they come across better-established collectives without fees. Being scammed amid the despair of a disappearance further affects the families’ finances and their mental health.

Besides the financial aspect, women searchers face other obstacles. Amnesty International research reveals that the state and non-state actors can utilize their influence over the criminal system to open arbitrary and sometimes illegal criminal investigations against them. They may also stop the police from investigating accordingly. What’s more, societal stereotypes often blame mothers for “not keeping their children safe” or “not doing their job as mothers.” Comments like this spread guilt among mothers looking for their children. Women searchers, like human rights activists, are subject to threats and attacks, particularly in Honduras, Mexico, Colombia, and Brazil. They are vulnerable to gender-based violence, especially the sexual kind.

In Mexico, Teresa Magueyal, a member of the group Una Promesa Por Cumplir (A Promise to Fulfill), was searching for her son, José, who disappeared in 2020. Teresa was killed three years later in the same town. Two months later, Catalina Vargas, another activist member of the Collective United for the Disappeared in Leon, also disappeared. In August of 2022, activist Rosario Rodriguez was kidnapped by an armed group after a mass in honor of her disappeared son. Her youngest son called the authorities right away, but nothing was done. She was found dead a day later.

For more stories, check out the story of the Barajas Piña family, or listen to the “Hasta Encontrarte | Until I Found You” podcast on Spotify and Apple Music.

[Image 4] Protests against the high women homicide rates in Mexico. Source: Yahoo Images. — Image 4: A protest against the high women’s homicide rates in Mexico. Source: Yahoo Images.

The future of women searchers

While much progress remains to be made, important steps are underway to promote women’s safety in search efforts. The National Human Rights Commission has urged states to protect searchers, recognizing them as human rights defenders. In early 2024, Colombia passed the Proyecto de Ley (Project of Law), which aims to guard the rights of women searchers, acknowledging them as peacebuilders and individuals requiring special protection. Additionally, Amnesty International recently launched its #SearchingWithoutFear campaign to establish searching as a right that the state must protect. These initiatives highlight the vital contributions of women searchers and open the doors to developing stronger legal frameworks to ensure their safety. Continued community support and collaboration between governments and organizations are essential for reaching and supporting victims across national and international boundaries.

The Treatment of People with Disabilities in Institutional Care Settings in Brazil

A flag of Brazil flowing in the wind — Image 1: Flag of Brazil. Source: Yahoo! Images

Overview of the Issue

In Brazil, thousands of children and adults with disabilities are confined to institutions for people with disabilities, facing widespread neglect, abuse, and isolation. Designed ostensibly to provide care, many of these institutions have instead devolved into detention centers where individuals are deprived of their autonomy and dignity. Reports from Human Rights Watch reveal the harrowing conditions experienced by people with disabilities in these facilities, underscoring the urgent need for systemic reform to safeguard their basic rights. 

One relevant case is that of Leonardo, a 25-year-old man with muscular dystrophy who has lived in a residential institution since he was 15. His mother, unable to care for him due to a lack of adequate support, was left with little to no choice. Like many others, Leonardo shares cramped quarters with multiple residents, with minimal privacy or control over his daily life. There are very few meaningful activities available for him to partake in, and he has seemingly no apparent opportunity to participate in society as an autonomous individual, mirroring the experiences of countless other residents across Brazil’s institutions. 

Causes of Institutionalization  of the Care for People with Disabilities

The institutionalization of the care for individuals with disabilities in Brazil is shown through several interrelated systemic issues. First, the lack of adequate support for families plays a significant role. The government offers limited resources, and financial assistance programs, such as the Benefício de Prestação Continuada (BPC), often fail to fully meet the comprehensive needs of individuals with disabilities, which include therapy, assistive devices, and accessible housing. Without meaningful support systems, families may feel they have no alternative but to rely on institutional care. 

Brazil’s legal and systemic framework also plays a crucial role. Guardianship laws that remove legal capacity from individuals with disabilities mean that many residents in institutions cannot consent to their placement. This lack of autonomy, combined with the stigma of ableism, creates an environment where people with disabilities are treated as passive recipients of care rather than individuals who should have rights and preferences. Public perception remains rooted in ableist attitudes, which continue to limit access to inclusive services and resources.  

The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated these disparities, intensifying existing challenges for people with disabilities in Brazil’s institutional care settings. This revealed vulnerabilities in both healthcare access and living conditions. Individuals with disabilities were disproportionately affected by the virus due to several factors, including pre-existing health conditions, limited access to adequate healthcare, and cramped, unsanitary living environments within institutions. These conditions not only increased infection rates but also made it difficult to implement preventive measures, such as social distancing and proper sanitation.  

Image 2: Hospital Beds. Source: Yahoo! Images

Problems Within Institutions for People with Disabilities

The institutional care setting for People with Disabilities in Brazil fails to meet even the most basic standards of dignity and human rights. Living conditions in many of these institutions are deplorable. Reports from Human Rights Watch describe facilities that resemble prisons more than care centers. Physical restraints, such as tying residents to beds or sedating them, are surprisingly common. Such practices not only prevent individuals from engaging in any form of meaningful activity, but also contribute to a host of physical and psychological traumas. 

Isolation is another significant, impactful issue. Many residents are confined to their beds or rooms for extended periods, with little to no engagement in social interaction or personal development. Children, specifically, suffer due to the lack of educational and recreational activities, which then stunts their intellectual and emotional growth. This isolation leads to further stigmatization and marginalization, unfortunately reinforcing the perception that people with disabilities are separate from society and should be hidden from view, whether intentionally or not. 

The lack of oversight and enforcement of existing laws allows for egregious human rights abuses to go unchecked. In many cases, individuals are institutionalized unlawfully, deprived of family connections, and subjected to a lifetime of neglect. Children who enter these institutions often lose contact with their families permanently, which can lead to long-term emotional trauma and a deep sense of abandonment. 

Access to healthcare for people with disabilities in Brazil also remains alarmingly inadequate. Despite the legal frameworks designed to protect their rights, physical and financial barriers to healthcare still exist, compounded by a lack of training among healthcare providers to address the specific needs of people with disabilities. These gaps contribute to a high incidence of preventable health complications and reduced life expectancy.  

Efforts Toward Reform 

While Brazil has established a strong legal framework for the rights of people with disabilities, including the ratification of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) and the enactment of the 2016 Law on Inclusion, the enforcement and practical implementation of these laws remain lacking in change. Legal rights exist on paper, but without mechanisms to enforce them, individuals with disabilities continue to suffer abuse, neglect, and loss of their freedoms. 

United Nations Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and many advocacy organizations have called on the Brazilian government to transition from institutional care to community-based services that prioritize individual autonomy and family support. These efforts encourage the development of small, inclusive residences and group homes to reduce the dependence on large-scale institutions. Although some of these programs have been started up, they fall short of ensuring true independence and often lack the necessary resources to fully support residents in their transition to independent living. 

Efforts to improve healthcare access are underway, focusing on providing disability-specific training to healthcare providers and addressing financial and physical accessibility challenges. These interventions are essential to improving the health outcomes of individuals with disabilities and to fostering an inclusive healthcare environment that treats people with disabilities as valued members of society. 

Looking Ahead 

The treatment of people with disabilities in institutional care settings in Brazil reveals a profound humanitarian crisis that requires focused attention. The combination of insufficient support systems, societal stigma, and legal challenges results in an environment where individuals with disabilities are denied their rights, autonomy, and dignity. While Brazil has made some strides toward recognizing and enshrining the rights of individuals with disabilities, significant gaps remain in the enforcement of these rights and in the availability of community-based alternatives to institutionalization. 

Addressing these issues calls for a multifaceted approach, including policy reform, enhanced support for families, and the development of inclusive, community-based care. By prioritizing the rights and voices of individuals with disabilities, Brazil can move toward a more just and humane society where all individuals are treated with respect, dignity, and equal opportunity. 

Child Soldiers in Northeast Syria

Exposure to warfare at a young age has been associated with distress that does not easily wither away. This correlation can be seen in the reality of many children as young as 12 years old in the autonomous northeastern region of Syria. The region is governed by the Kurdish Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) and led by its active military wing, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). Under the SDF control are various organizations such as the unarmed Kurdish youth group, Revolutionary Youth Movement, or, as referred to by the locals, Tevgera Ciwanên Şoreşger. Since late 2020, the members have stopped hosting intellectual and networking events and rather directed focus onto military enlistment. Consequently, for years, the group has become a prominent player in the sudden recruitment of child soldiers in Syria whilst holding the claim that the voluntary consent of each child is collected prior to placement in their educational training programs. However, several international organizations have reported the Revolutionary Youth Movement for unsolicited recruitment of children from Syrian regions within and outside of the AANES control with fraud claims of offering educational courses, in addition to coercion.

Image 1: Map illustrating the geographic divisions of control in Syria. | Source: Yahoo Images

Speculated Training Procedures

Initial recruitment by the Revolutionary Youth Movement has been speculated to have a direct method with young teenage members approaching children in public settings, building trust, and inviting them for educational lectures with the intention of luring them into joining military positions. A Syrian human rights researcher, in an interview conducted by Human Rights Watch, shared that following recruitment, children are put through dogmatic training and then transferred for integration into a selected armed group. The researcher expands to note that some children receive supplementary training on utilizing force and violence from the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), an armed group based in Turkey and Iraq, in the Qandil Mountains. When the Human Rights Watch team directly asked the PPK regarding the matter, they denied the observed reports of child recruitment, denied having any relations with the Syrian youth movements, and emphasized their objective to comply with the regulations of the Geneva Convention, integral international treaties that maintain the moral boundaries of warfare. In contrast, the statement of the researcher has been supported by references made in a Danish federal agency report, the Centre for Documentation and Counter Extremism, of sighted training camps for indoctrinated children in the Qandil or Sinjar Mountains of Iraq. Another supporting document identified is the U.S. State Department Trafficking in Persons report, which notes observations of the Revolutionary Youth Movement coercing children to undergo military training in the Qandil mountains. Both reports are from 2024.

Image 2: A child dressed in camouflage and holding a rifle in Syria. | Source: Yahoo Images

Direct Accounts

Several sources have collected direct stories from families who have had their children taken away. In interviews conducted by Human Rights Watch, almost all families note that their children left home one day and have not been seen since. Following the initial disappearance, many searched and raised questions until eventually told through acquaintances or direct but anonymous calls with Revolutionary Youth Movement members about their child’s recruitment. Some families remark their children being used as support against Turkish intrusions in the AANES-controlled region, but not all know where their children are.

The father of a missing 14-year-old daughter received a call offering him to see his daughter if he made a recording affirming his daughter’s recruitment was voluntary. The man denied the offer, and with over a year having passed, he has yet to see his child. It is worth noting that the father recalled his daughter communicating with a member of the group over Facebook Messenger prior to her disappearance.

In another instance, a daughter was returned to her mother in Qamishli after her recruitment. However, soon after, the child received a phone call, which seemed to frighten her and led to her leaving again. The daughter did not share any details of her time with the group and has yet to return.

Even after filing reports to the SDF and the Children Protection Office, families have been unsuccessful at bringing their children back home. As a result, devastated families experiencing the forced loss of their children, accompanied by distraught emotions and the realization that there is little that can be done, continue to occur in Syria. This struggle is further strengthened by the lack of communication and lack of certainty in knowing whether your child is safe, sleeping well, eating well, or even alive.

Physical and Psychological Impacts on Children

As this article began, the impacts of warfare exposure can be significantly detrimental in childhood. Testimonies of released children, by the Syria Justice and Accountability Center, discuss experiences of being imprisoned and beaten by trainers for disciplinary purposes. Such physical acts can lead to fright and fear being reinforced in the children again and again. Beyond physical harm, the psychological trauma of being a child soldier on one’s mental health is just as prevalent. Children being actively removed from their homes, schools, and societies with the loss of all contact results in the collapse of their social support systems and a reduced ability for social integration. Furthermore, young children must bear witness to violence and become vulnerable to the lasting effects of elevated distress and dysfunction in place of a time intended for their cognitive, behavioral, and social development.

Legal Violations

Another facet of the matter is through the legal lens that regulates and raises questions of ethics. To begin with, the International Humanitarian Law, a globally applicable set of expectations, protects child well-being by preventing the recruitment or use of children as soldiers under the age of 15 in conflicts. Such young recruitment for armed support is further prohibited by the Rome Statute and is punishable by the International Criminal Court as a war crime. Syria does not fall under obligations to follow the Rome Statute, but if the UN Security Council were to report its concern to the ICC Office of the Prosecutor, this requirement would be considered a violation.

Photo of Rt. Hon. Lamberto Dini, Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, signing the Rome Statute at the 1988 Rome Conference. — Image 3: Photo of Rt. Hon. Lamberto Dini, Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, signed the Rome Statute at the 1988 Rome Conference. | Source: Yahoo Images

Bringing a domestic focus on the country and region, in 2019, SDF signed an Action Plan with the UN requiring them to not only end all acts and support of military recruitment of children but also create protective and disciplinary measures in place to disincentivize such acts. However, in contrast to anticipated compliance, verified cases of child recruitment in NE Syria have remained steady, with a peak of 637 cases in 2022, and are yet to wither. Another legal defiance is of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syrian Region (DAANES’) Social Contract, the 2023 version of the original “Charter of the Social Contract of Rojava,” which was created after the rejection of centralized governance that autonomized the northern Syrian region. Among the new 134 articles, the English translation of Article 55 states, “Children’s rights are protected, and the use of violence against them, their employment, exploitation, and recruitment are prohibited. This is regulated by law”.

With such legal expectations and obligations, SDF has emphasized a commitment to putting efforts towards ending all child recruitment in the region. However, the contrary continuation of recruitment activities may be due to the groups being directly intertwined with the political and military hierarchies of the AANES and SDF control. This is supported by the fact that the primary transfer of the children to armed groups is to the People’s Protection Unit (YPG) and its associated branch for women, the Women’s Protection Units (YPJ), both of which are branches housed under the SDF.

Image 4: A young female soldier of the YPJ group branch dressed in camouflage with a rifle on her shoulder. | Source: Yahoo Images

Action Steps

It is important to realize that the situation in Syria is not a matter of concern for just the region but rather a matter requiring fulfillment of global duties and human rights. The acts of the SDF risk the physical well-being of children today as well as the social, financial, and psychological well-being of their futures.

Therefore, with legal and moral obligations present, it crucially falls onto international bodies and organizations to become actively involved in the protection of the Syrian children who are having childhoods and playtimes be replaced with training camps and military weapons. Such actions can be reported to the ICC Office of the Prosecutor, decisions taken against violations of SDF obligations to existing policies, or changes in regulatory practices.

From a public perspective, advocacy for active progression towards solutions, support for organizations already involved in fighting child recruitment, and the spread of awareness of the devastating reality of Syrian families are all factors that have the power to play critical roles in protecting the children of Syria.

Human Rights Concerns About the 2024 Austrian National Council Elections

The recent National Council elections in Austria, held on September 29th, saw the rise of the Freedom Party (FPO), as they won a plurality of the total vote and overtook the current administration in support. This far-right party has maintained moderate support since its founding in 1956; however, in the past few years, it has seen both a sizeable shift towards conservatism and a significant uptick in support. While only 28.8% of the total vote was garnered, this was more than the Austrian People’s Party’s (OVP) 26.3%, which, up until this election, held the most parliamentary seats. This electoral success has increased FPO representation in the National Council, now having 57 out of 183 total seats. While it seems unlikely that the party will be able to form a coalition and thus achieve a majority in government, this victory still raises questions regarding minority rights and foreign policy and warrants concern due to Austria’s history with far-right regimes. This rise in conservatism also follows a general shift to the right among European countries, making Austria and its surrounding states worthy of monitoring.

A crowd of Austrian citizens rally together in support of the Freedom Party. — Image 1: Austrians rally in support of the FPO. Source: Yahoo Images

Austrian Government: Structure and History

Structure

The Austrian government is a parliamentary system, meaning the percentage a party gains through voting directly translates into representation in government. Similarly, the country is home to numerous political parties, meaning multiple political platforms can receive representation. Considered the backbone of the Austrian government, the National Council is where bills are developed into laws before being passed over for Federal approval. It has a total of 187 seats. Having multiple platforms represented means that parties rarely receive an outright majority, forcing movements to coalesce or form political alliances with one another. This way, legislation can be passed quickly since a majority is held. This system allows for accurate representation of the country’s political views; however, without some sort of coalition, the government might not be able to agree on policies, thus leading to a stalemate.

Impacts of Modern History

Modern history plays an important role in Austria’s political landscape of today. During World War Two, Austria was ruled by the Nazi regime after being annexed into the German Reich. Under this leadership, discriminatory legislation was codified, subjecting Jewish and other minority groups to grossly inhumane treatment. Following the war, the country came under Allied occupation, ultimately leading to its independence in 1955. During this time, Austria declared itself a neutral nation and was generally center-right in social and economic policy. It was also around this time that the FPO was founded by a former Nazi officer. However, the policies were regarded as fitting the center-right norm. Since then, the FPO has slowly gained national recognition and pushed itself to the right, blossoming throughout the 1990s and early 2000s. 2017 showed the biggest jump in support with the FPO forming a coalition with the OVP, causing a noticeable shift to the right within the government, especially regarding views on immigration, Islam, and Austria’s role in the European Union. Though this coalition ultimately collapsed two years later, this period led to a normalization of right-wing and discriminatory rhetoric, setting the path for increased support of the FPO.

Image 2: Herbert Kickl stands in front of a crowd of supporters, all holding pro-FPO signs. — Image 2: FPO leader Herbert Kickl stands amongst supporters. Source: Yahoo Images

FPO: Policies and Potential Implications Regarding Human Rights

Anti-Immigration

The FPO has taken a strong stance against immigration, with its party manifesto claiming that “Austria is not a country of immigration.” The party argues that by minimizing immigrants within the country, taxes can be lowered while still maintaining social welfare programs, going along with its proposal of welfare attached to citizenship. Furthermore, the FPO has shown interest in deportation, lowering accepted asylum claims, and banning new immigrants from entering the country based on family unification. Party leader Herbert Kickl has also shared his belief that migrants who “refuse to assimilate” should lose their citizenship and be forced out of the country. This anti-immigration attitude is additionally concerning when considering the refugee crisis occurring within Europe. The war in Ukraine, civil war in Syria, and earthquakes in Turkey have led to a dramatic increase in asylum claims throughout the continent. Limiting immigration can have detrimental effects on refugees seeking safety, basic necessities, and better living conditions for themselves and their families.

Islamophobia

The FPO has uncharitable views on Islam, claiming it will pass a law to ban so-called “political Islam” and utilizing the slogan “Home, not Islam” during its campaign. This follows a general rise in Islamophobia throughout Austria, with an increase in anti-Muslim-related attacks in the past year, and anti-Muslim policies being implemented in 2015. These policies are argued to have violated Austria’s right to religious freedom, as they banned the use of Islam-related foreign funding and increased state surveillance over Islamic institutions.

Kickl’s proposed ban on political Islam continues Austria’s pattern of violating its citizens’ constitutional right to religious freedom and gives the government more power to legally carry out anti-Muslim acts.

Gender and Sexuality

The FPO holds extremely conservative views on issues regarding gender and sexuality. The party is against same-sex marriage, writing out in its manifesto that “We are committed to the primacy of marriage between a man and a woman as a distinct way of protecting child welfare.” The movement also hopes to codify the existence of only two genders in the constitution, exclude transgender athletes from participating in sports competitions, and ban the public use of gender-inclusive language. Harmful rhetoric has also been utilized by the campaign, deeming increased representation and inclusivity of LGBTQ+ members as “propaganda” and “indoctrination.” This is part of a broader agenda to reinstate traditional gender norms and conservative family values. The passing of such discriminatory legislation would further marginalize members of the LGBTQ+ community, limiting their personal autonomy and ability to freely navigate their lives.

Foreign Policy

One key component of the FPO’s foreign policy revolves around its skepticism of the European Union, believing the institution holds too much power over signatory countries. In July 2024, the party joined Patriots for Europe, a far-right European Parliamentary group. This movement is supported by various right-wing parties found around the EU. Its platform is centered around weakening the authority of the EU and takes a strong stance against illegal immigration and the implementation of and adherence to the European Green New Deal. Similarly, the FPO is against providing aid to Ukraine on the premise of its 1955 commitment to neutrality. It also rejects the EU’s sanctions on Russia. These ties go back further than Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, with evidence showing that FPO leader Herbert Kickl might have ties to Russian intelligence agencies. These behaviors show a turn away from the commitments of the European Union and alignment with other Eurosceptic countries.

Austrians manage a table asking citizens to sign a petition for Austria to leave the European Union. — Image 3: Austrian citizens take signatures to exit the European Union. Source: Yahoo Images

Kickl Controversies

Party leader Herbert Kickl has also been part of numerous controversies, raising questions about the intentions of the FPO and his ability to coalesce. One major issue has been his use of Nazi rhetoric, with his team labeling him as “Volkskanzler,” meaning “people’s chancellor,” a term used to describe Hitler during his reign. Similarly, Kickl gave a speech in which he accused centrist politicians of “Volksverrat,” or “treason against the people.” Again, this term was often used by Hitler and the greater Nazi regime. Kickl has also verbalized his support for the Identitarian Movement, a platform that, at its core, argues for the upholding and protection of white supremacy. He has also utilized hateful rhetoric specifically targeted toward the Muslim community. Throughout his time in politics, he has argued that Islamist fundamentalists should be deported, that hijab-wearing should be banned, and that anti-Semitism within Austria is the fault of Islamic teachings and not due to their Nazi history. Kickl has also been vocal about his opposition to vaccines, claiming COVID-19 vaccinations are “a genetic engineering experiment.”

Due to his countless controversies, the OVP is not seeking a coalition with the FPO, making it unlikely that Kickl and his party will reach a majority within the parliament. While this may ring true, the rise in Kickl’s support highlights the normalization of discriminatory and science-reluctant rhetoric throughout the country, along with aligning with a broader shift towards conservatism within Central Europe as a whole.

Conclusion

Though it is unlikely that Kickl and his party will gain a majority within the parliament, the ability of this far-right movement to gain a plurality signals a broader shift in the country towards conservatism. Not only this, but it highlights the normalization of harmful rhetoric against minority and historically mistreated groups. While FPO’s influence might be limited, the situation in Austria warrants being monitored due to its past with extremist regimes. Similarly, this follows a trend towards conservatism among other European countries, such as Hungary, Italy, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic, which might also have serious implications regarding the commitments and authority of the European Union.