Category: International

What is the Universal Periodic Review?

Human Rights Council Universal Periodic Review Working Group hold its29th session to review the human rights records in 14 States.
Human Rights Council Universal Periodic Review Working Group. Geneva, Switzerland, 01/23/2018 12:08:50. UN Photo/ Violaine Martin. UN7105279

The Universal Periodic Review (UPR) is the mechanism from the United Nations (UN) that provides universal, state-to-state evaluation of human rights practices and conditions throughout all member states. Established in 2006 by the UN’s Human Rights Council, this mechanism was design to regularly review every country, regardless of size, power, or political alignment (OHCHR, n.d.-a). To ensure transparency, core documents are public, there is a webcast of interactive dialogue, and the process formally integrates civil society organizations. This uniquely positions the UPR as a broadly accessible model for participatory design and implementation.

The UPR operates on a four-and-a-half-year cycle where each state is reviewed to produce an outcome report for recommendations (OHCHR, n.d.-c). It’s important for advocates, practitioners, and students to understand this process to meaningfully engage with local and international human rights. This is made apparent through recent developments, such as the United States’ refusal to participate in the 2025 review. When such a process is predicated on universal engagement, it can be severely disrupted by political decisions that exploit the system’s vulnerabilities (Paccamiccio & McKernan, 2025). The aim of this blog is to demystify the UPR through a detailed review of its structure, purpose, and practical relevance. This is an attempt to provide students and practitioners with a tool for advocacy and accountability.

What is the UPR actually?

Put simply, the UPR is a structured peer review of the status of human rights in each country. It’s designed to put the UN’s 193 member states on even ground. This process considers contributions from governments, civil society organizations, and the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR, n.d.-a). Its consideration of official state narratives as well as independent assessments provides a clear and well-rounded understanding of lived experiences.

Several key observations come from the review process. States receive a list of recommendations regarding their human rights practices, issue voluntary pledges for next steps, and adopt an outcome report that summarizes their commitments and areas for improvement (OHCHR, n.d.-c). Each of these outputs feed into the ongoing evaluation of states’ human rights records and the creation of national action plans. A crucial aspect to the legitimacy of this mechanism is buy-in and participation. The 2025 refusal of the U.S. to participate in the UPR shows how quickly the system’s universal nature can be undermined by powerful and influential states’ opting out (Paccamiccio & McKernan, 2025). Since the UPR relies on states to submit reports, engage in dialogue, and formally respond to recommendations, refusing to participate obscures the process needed to assess human rights conditions and or monitor ongoing commitments. This shows why consistent engagement is necessary for the UPR to function as intended. Each state must submit itself to the same level of scrutiny to ensure a normatively fair process.

A view of the Human Rights Council’s panel discussion on the contribution of parliaments to the Council’s work the and its Universal Periodic Review.
A view of the Human Rights Council’s panel discussion on the contribution of parliaments to the Council’s work the and its Universal Periodic Review. Geneva, Switzerland. 05/29/2013 00:00:00. UN Photo/Jean Marc Ferré. UN7299032.

THE UPR Cycle

This year [January 19 – 30th] will see the 51st Working Group meeting of the UN UPR (OHCHR, 2026). This is major component in the UPR’s structured cycle. Getting this process started relies, primarily, on three pre-session documents (OHCHR, n.d.-a).

  1. The National Report

Each state submits a report that outlines any recent developments or steps taken to implement previous recommendations. This allows states to provide a context-specific narrative of their human rights framework and the reform that they feel is significant.

  1. The UN Compilation

The OHCHR draws on UN agencies, treaty bodies, and Special Rapporteurs to create an independent, evidence-based assessment of each state’s human rights situation.

  1. The Stakeholders Report

Academics, national human rights institutions, and civil society organizations feed into a stakeholder report that reflects grassroots perspectives and lived experiences.

These documents guide the three-hour interactive dialogue session, where member states openly question the country undergoing review. This is a fast-paced meeting led by a three-member troika, who allow states to offer observations and raise concerns.

(In this case, a troika is a group of three state representatives who are appointed to facilitate the review of other countries. These three states are randomly selected by a drawing from the Human Rights Council to ensure a balanced and impartial selection. They guide the dialogue, coordinate questions, and draft the outcome report at the end.)

This is where the political dynamics of the UPR become most visible, because the tone is shaped by peer pressure, as states line up to speak in one-minute intervals. After the time for dialogue has ended, reviewing states issue their human rights recommendations, which are either accepted or noted by the state being reviewed. Acceptance shows a commitment to act in accordance with the recommendation, while noting demonstrates an unwillingness to implement and/or a general disagreement with the finding. Both responses are recorded in the final report. These responses indicate the future of each state’s national action plan on human rights and donor priorities, as well as how civil society actors will be influenced to monitor ongoing progress.

Following this session, the cycle continues through follow-up discourse involving mid-term reporting and ongoing implementation efforts. This is typically the most challenging stage, as domestic constraints, political will, and resource variability determine whether commitments translate into real change.

Donald Trump, President of the United States of America, waits behind the General Assembly Hall to address the general debate of the General Assembly’s eightieth session
President of United States of America Addresses 80th Session of General Assembly Debate. New York, United States of America. 09/23/2025 09:54:03. UN Photo/Manuel Elías. UN71118204.

2025 U.S. Non-Participation: A Unique Case Study

For the first time, this UPR cycle was completely disrupted by a member state’s refusal to participate. This left the Working Group without the ability to conduct a full review, issue tailored recommendations, or secure commitments, weakening the credibility of the process. With no national report submitted, no delegation appearing for dialogue, and no response to recommendations, civil society organizations were forced to step in to fill the gap to the best of their ability (Paccamiccio & McKernan, 2025). These organizations submitted stakeholder reports and held events in Geneva to maintain some level of scrutiny and oversight. Without these efforts, significant human rights issues could go entirely without formal examination. This demonstrates how fragile the system is when major states ‘opt out’ and upset the need for “100% participation” (OHCHR, n.d.-b; OHCHR, 2024).

How Civil Society Uses the UPR

As seen through the 2025 U.S. example, civil society is a major player in the UPR. This process is designed to explicitly incorporate shadow reporting from civil society groups as a driving force. This allows NGOs, national human rights institutions, and academic researchers to submit independent assessments of a country’s human rights record (OHCHR, n.d.-a). Stakeholder submissions give the UN’s UPR Working Group a better understanding of on-the-ground realities, sometimes through revealing issues that states left out in their national reports. Shadow reports also serve as a strategic tool where groups can reframe local concerns through international norms to gain global recognition.

Civil society also plays a crucial role in lobbying for specific, targeted recommendations. For those interested in learning how this process works, The International Service for Human Rights (ISHR) put together a detailed explanation video that covers all the UPR basics – including how civil society can get involved beyond written submissions (ISHR, 2022). It details the various stages of the process where NGOs and other actors advocate to shape the interactive dialogue’s agenda and ensure that select, community-specific issues are included in the final list of recommendations.

After the recommendations are issued, NGOs track the government’s follow-through on accepted recommendations and publish mid-term assessments. This monitoring is an essential function of the UPR, because there is no true enforcement mechanism. The process relies entirely on political pressure and public visibility to hold states accountable. This also became clear through the 2025 U.S. example, as U.S. organizations stepped up to submit stakeholder reports, brief diplomats, and hold public events in Geneva – despite state non-participation (Paccamiccio & McKernan, 2025). These efforts confirmed that the UPR is only as strong as the individuals who utilize it to sustain scrutiny through strategic framing and persistent engagement.

A wide view of the Human Rights Council at its 19th regular session. During the day’s meetings Members considered the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) reports of Ireland, Swaziland, Syria and Thailand, among others, as part of the Council's process to periodically review the human rights records of all 193 UN Member States.
Rights Council 19th Session Proceeds, UPR Reports Reviewed, Geneva, Switzerland. 03/15/2012 00:00:00. UN Photo/Jean Marc Ferré. UN7361108.

Strengths

  1. Impartiality: The UPR’s design makes it unique among international human rights systems. Its implementation establishes a standard of equality that many other mechanisms lack. Since every UN Member state undergoes the same review on the same cycle, it maintains a high degree of fairness (OHCHR, n.d.-a).
  2. Transparency: The process’s structure also reinforces transparency, as all core documents and conversations are open to the public.
  3. Leverage: The UPR is a perfect tool to generate political pressure. Its public nature of review allows for visible peer scrutiny to motivate state actors in reform-making that might otherwise go unaddressed.

Limitations

  1. Not Legally Binding: The recommendations generated from this process are ultimately left to governmental discretion (OHCHR, n.d.-c). The absence of an enforcement tool to compel engagement leads to uneven follow-up with mid-term reports or a refusal to participate, as seen through the 2025 U.S. example.
  2. Political Politeness: The public nature of the interactive dialogue often leads states to avoid direct criticism, causing geopolitical allies to soften the tone of questioning (Carraro, 2017).

Conclusion

The Universal Periodic Review remains one of the most accessible tools needed to advance human rights and provide a participatory review process at the international level. Its scope and procedures ensure an equal distribution of terms and reinforce that human rights obligations apply to everyone (OHCHR, n.d.-a). Despite moments of political disengagement, the mechanism’s value is further reinforced through the actors who use it. Students, advocates, and practitioners can all use the UPR as a natural entry point into global human rights work. With public documentation, easy-to-follow sessions, and clearly understandable processes, engaging with the UPR through research, shadow reporting, and advocacy is a powerful way to shape human rights outcomes and contribute to accountability worldwide.

When Democracy Became a Target: The Unión Patriótica and Colombia’s Crossroads

When you live abroad, the only real way to stay connected to your country– other than talking to your family– is by watching the news. I was casually browsing a news site when two headlines caught my eye: the 40th anniversary of the Palace of Justice Siege (Toma del Palacio de Justicia) and the fact that several political parties had started selecting candidates for the 2026 elections. 

Seeing those headlines together felt like a collision between two Colombias: one still haunted by the unresolved traumas of the past, and another trying to imagine a different political future. Living abroad often creates this strange distance where you follow the news closely, but you also end up seeing your country through the eyes of outsiders who may not understand how deeply history continues to shape our present.

For many people, the Palace of Justice Siege is just an old tragedy. But for Colombians, it forms part of a much larger narrative about peace, state power, and the risks of political participation. Its aftermath ignited a series of events that unfolded like a domino effect, shaping one of the most complex and painful chapters in Colombian history. Recognizing how these threads are connected is ultimately what pushed me to tell this story. 

I want you, the reader, to understand it and reflect on how similar struggles might exist in your own country.

The Birth of a Political Experiment: UP as a Path to Peace

The Unión Patriótica (UP) emerged in 1985 as a product of the peace negotiations between the Colombian government and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC EP). Far from being simply “the FARC’s party,” as some critics insist, the UP represented a bold political experiment, an attempt to break away from the rigid two-party system that had dominated Colombia for decades and to show that political transformation could be pursued through democratic, nonviolent means. 

Once officially established, the UP gained remarkable electoral traction and visibility. They won mayoral races in key regions, secured seats in Congress, and built strong organizations. Their agenda (centered on agrarian reform, reducing inequality, expanding social participation, and negotiating peace) resonated deeply with many Colombians who were tired of the traditional political class. For a brief moment, it seemed like real, peaceful change was within reach. 

But that visibility quickly became a death sentence.

Photo of the Palace of Justice in Bogotá Colombia
Photo 1: Palace of Justice in Bogotá, Colombia. Source: Bernard Gagnon, CC BY-SA 4.0 https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Palacio_de_Justicia_de_Colombia,_Bogot%C3%A1.jpg, via Wikimedia Commons

A Politicide in Slow Motion

Later that same year, another insurgent group, the Movimiento 19 de Abril (M-19), stormed the Palace of Justice—an event that would later become known as the Palace of Justice Siege—in an attempt to force President Belisario Betancur to stand trial for allegedly violating the ceasefire and peace accords established in 1984.

The impact of this event went far beyond the immediate tragedy. It reinforced Cold War-era narratives within state institutions and conservative sectors that leftist movements, whether armed or democratic, were to be treated as existential threats. This message was clear and deadly.

By early 1986, UP leaders began receiving death threats. Murders soon followed. No one was safe: activists, supporters, voters, and even people merely rumored to sympathize with the party were relentlessly targeted by paramilitary forces. As the campaign of terror escalated, forced disappearances, mass displacement, and exile became routine across entire regions. Violence was not limited to bullets or bombs, as UP members faced financial exclusion, were denied loans, and saw their children ostracized in schools or pushed out of educational opportunities. Families were forced to flee their homes as neighbors feared retaliation simply for living near them. The goal was not just to intimidate, it was to erase the UP from every corner of public life. 

As if this were not devastating enough, the assassinations of UP members Jaime Pardo Leal, Bernardo Jaramillo Ossa, and especially Manuel Cepeda Vargas signaled the complete destruction of the party’s future. The murder of Cepeda Vargas carries particular weight today. His son, Iván Cepeda –who built his career defending victims, uncovering state crimes and demanding truth– is now a presidential candidate. The younger Cepeda’s public life is both a continuation of his father’s struggle and a reminder of what was violently taken from an entire political generation. 

The violence against the UP was not random. Paramilitary groups, drug trafficking networks, and members of the security forces all played a role. 

It wasn’t only civil society that recognized what had happened. On January 30, 2023, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights issued a landmark ruling in the case Integrantes y Militantes de la Unión Patriótica vs. Colombia, declaring that the Colombian State bore international responsibility for a systematic plan to exterminate UP members. Then came a symbolic act of historic repair: in November 2025, President Gustavo Petro publicly apologized on behalf of the Colombian state in Santa Marta, acknowledging responsibility for the politicide against the UP.

This apology, which was part of the reparations ordered by the Court, is more than a gesture; it is a formal recognition that the state not only failed to prevent violence, but was complicit in it.

Protesters during the act of genocide recognition against the Patriotic Union in November 2025.
Photo 2: Protesters during the act of genocide recognition against the Patriotic Union in November 2025. Source: Republic of Colombia Official Photo, CC BY-SA 4.0 https://www.flickr.com/photos/197399771@N06/54913757714/in/album-72177720330211152/, via Flickr

Why Is the Echo So Loud?

You might think: this happened decades ago. Why keep talking about it?

The answer is simple: Colombia has repeatedly attempted peace processes without fully confronting the ghost of its past. For years, the genocide against the Unión Patriótica (UP) was denied, minimized, or dismissed as a consequence of the FARC’s actions rather than what it truly was: a state-backed campaign of political extermination. Many survivors ended up in exile, others continued their activism under constant threat, and countless families never received full truth or justice. 

When the 2016 peace accords were signed with the FARC, one of the central commitments was the guarantee of safe political participation. That clause exists because of the UP. It emerged from an undeniable political lesson: if the state cannot protect demobilized groups or alternative political movements, then peace is not truly peace– it’s a fragile pause destined to break.

And yet, history continues to repeat itself. More than 1,500 social leaders have been killed between 2016 and 2025; former FARC combatants have been assassinated despite being part of the reintegration process; and new armed groups keep emerging in regions abandoned by the state. 

This is why the UP is not just a memory. It is a warning, one that Colombia still struggles to fully hear.

A New Path for Colombia’s Politics?

This history becomes even more relevant today. As mentioned earlier, Iván Cepeda has launched his presidential campaign, and –just like his father decades ago– he has been met with predictable criticism. Many opponents label him a “guerrillero”, meaning “a member from an insurgent group,” a tactic that is not only misleading but dangerous. Branding political rivals as “illegal” or “subversive” has long been a prelude to violence.

In interviews, Cepeda has emphasized that the country must decide whether it wants a political culture built on demonization and elimination, or one grounded in pluralism and debate. Regardless of whether one supports him or not, his candidacy forces Colombia to confront unresolved wounds and ask questions that have gone unanswered for too long. 

This does not mean Cepeda is “the new UP,” that his platform completely mirrors theirs, or that he is the candidate people should endorse. But symbolically, his presence in the presidential race is powerful. It reopens discussions about security guarantees, memory, and what it means to build democracy that does not punish difference. 

Colombians are compelled to ask: Has the country changed enough to make political participation truly safe? or are we still living with the same fears the UP faced?

Could this moment be a spark for change? A chance to show ourselves, and the world, that conflict can be confronted with democracy rather than violence?

Life size cutouts of victims in the UP genocide.
Photo 3: Life size cutouts of victims in the UP politicide. Source: Republic of Colombia Official Photo , CC BY-SA 4.0 https://www.flickr.com/photos/197399771@N06/54913282658/in/album-72177720330211152, via Flickr

Toward a New Horizon

Despite the weight of this past, Colombia stands at a crossroads filled with possibility. The recognition of the UP politicide by state institutions, the voices of victims who refuse to be silenced, and the growing demand for truth and reform all point to a society that is learning to confront its history rather than bury it. 

Reconciliation is not only a matter of institutions, it is also a matter of people. Stories like that of Victor Gómez, a former combatant now rebuilding his life through Colombia’s reintegration process, remind us that peace is lived through individual transformations just as much as national reforms. His unexpected leap into acting –playing a police officer in the Netflix’s series Cien años de soledad– symbolizes how identities once shaped by conflict can be rewritten. He represents a quieter side of peacebuilding: the slow work of unlearning fear, supporting a family, and seeing oneself as a contributor to society. His new path does not erase the violence that shaped him, but it shows what can grow when a country chooses reintegration over revenge.

It also embodies the core promise that the Unión Patriótica never had the chance to test: that Colombia can offer pathways back into civic life without violence. 

Why People Outside Colombia Should Care

This is not just a Colombian tragedy. It reflects global struggles over democracy, political participation, and the danger of silencing your opponents. Around the world, movements that challenge power structures have faced repression, from the systematic targeting of activists during Guatemala’s civil war to the assassination of Indigenous leaders in Brazil. Even beyond Latin America, attacks against journalists and opposition parties in places like Turkey or the Philippines seem to be the new normal; these patterns show how fragile democratic spaces can be when fear, polarization, and militarized responses guide political life. 

Colombia’s experience offers a universal lesson: peace is not just the absence of war, it is the daily assurance that difference and debate are protected. 

Understanding this history matters far beyond Colombian borders, because the conditions that enabled the UP politicide are not unique to one country; they form part of a global conversation about how societies confront violence, authoritarianism, and the long road toward reconciliation.

Banner stating "Never again another genocide in Colombia or in the world".
Photo 4: Banner stating “Never again another genocide in Colombia or in the world”. Source: CC BY-SA 4.0 https://www.flickr.com/photos/197399771@N06/54913516000/in/album-72177720330211152/, via Flickr

Conclusion

Colombia’s story is often told through the lens of conflict, but this moment invites a different narrative—one rooted in the possibility of rebuilding trust. The genocide of the Unión Patriótica was designed to eliminate an entire political horizon, yet its memory continues to shape debates about participation, security guarantees, and what true democracy demands. The fact that the country now openly recognizes the extermination of the UP, investigates what happened, and elevates voices like that of Iván Cepeda—whose life is intertwined with that history—is itself a sign of change.

Reconciliation is slow, uneven, and fragile, but it is not abstract. It lives in people like Víctor Gómez, in families who continue to seek truth, in communities that refuse silence, and in institutions finally willing to confront the uncomfortable past. Each of these threads forms part of a broader effort to ensure that Colombia never again confuses political difference with an enemy to destroy.

If Colombia can embrace pluralism, even amid polarization, it will not only honor the memory of the UP, but it will also redefine what peace means for future generations. And perhaps that is the most hopeful lesson: that the very movement once erased from the democratic map now pushes the country to imagine a political future where no one must fear for choosing the ballot over the bullet.

High-Income Countries Retreat from Rights-Based Policy

The General Assembly adopts a resolution on the 2025 review of the United Nations peacebuilding architecture, which was also adopted concurrently by the Security Council, during the 51st plenary meeting of the General Assembly
The General Assembly adopts a resolution on the 2025 review of the United Nations peacebuilding architecture. UN Photo/Loey Felipe

In recent years, we have seen high-income countries fail to uphold commitments by retreating from prior obligations to health and reversing environmental protections that were once collective imperatives. This reveals a broader pattern of countries abandoning formerly binding principles, treating equity and rights as lesser considerations. More than budgetary shifts, these movements reflect a widespread prioritization of trade, security, and short-term geopolitical advantage. The United States, with its expedited migration enforcement and aggressive international maritime operations, demonstrates how rights-centered diplomacy is undermined by deceptive national security prioritization (OHCHR 2025; Council on Foreign Relations 2025). Recent reporting on U.S. ‘drug boat’ strikes, which have condemned by the UN as illegal, further illustrates how security practices can erode international legal norms (The Independent 2025). These retreats from the rights-based approach to international relations signal a broader crisis of credibility in international commitments, where promises of fairness are increasingly subordinated to immediate political gain. This blog observes how foreign policy instruments are steering away from human rights and how external shifts cause domestic rollbacks in civil protections.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), adopted by the United Nations in 1948, is a foundational document that sets out 30 articles affirming universal rights and freedoms, establishing a global standard for dignity, equality, and justice (United Nations 1948). Similarly, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), adopted by the UN in 2015, are a set of 17 global targets designed to reduce inequality, strengthen institutions, and promote sustainable development worldwide (United Nations, 2015). These provide operational commitments and normative measures needed for international engagement – specifically SDG 10 on inequality and SDG 16 on inclusive institutions (United Nations, 2015). The European Union (EU) Charter and Council of Europe further specify obligations for rights-consistent external policies that member states are expected to honor (European Union 2012; Council of the European Union n.d.). Implementing these standards requires consultation with affected communities, funding for civil society partners, and independent impact assessment mechanisms that adjudicate trade‑offs between security, trade, and rights (American Bar Foundation 2023; Oxfam Novib & Oxfam International 2025). Without these mechanisms, performative politics obscure whether rights protections are effectively implemented (IOB 2024).

Hendrikus Wilhelmus Maria (Dick) Schoof, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, addresses the general debate of the General Assembly’s eightieth session.
Hendrikus Wilhelmus Maria (Dick) Schoof, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, addresses the general debate of the General Assembly’s eightieth session. UN Photo/Loey Felipe

Diplomacy and Foreign Policy

There are four primary indicators of rights retreat within current foreign policy:

  1. Reallocations within national budgets have begun prioritizing short-term geopolitical goals over sustained rights-programming (IOB 2024).
  2. Emerging trade and technology agreements have abandoned civil society concerns, instead including unenforceable measures for rights-fulfillment (UNCTAD 2025; European Commission 2024).
  3. Governments have begun to shift migration discourse from protection to control at the expense of asylum safeguards (Beltran Saavedra et al., 2025).
  4. Aid and cooperation conditions are no longer effective in leveraging compliance due to uneven application and enforcement (IOB 2024; Oxfam Novib & Oxfam International 2025).

More than abstract trends, these four indicators underscore shifts between discourse and practice. Each of these mechanisms is exemplified by the 2017-2022 evaluation of Dutch support to human rights (IOB 2024). The Dutch Policy and Operations Evaluation Department (IOB) (2024) found persistent gaps between rhetorical commitments and complete implementation. Budgetary shifts in this report show reduced or threatened funding for civil-society watchdogs and sexual and reproductive health rights (SRHR). Barriers to sustained funding and coordination – in combination with fragmented national agendas on trade, migration, and security – produces contradictions which limit the effectiveness of rights clauses and undermine the durability of long-term human rights programming and international initiatives. The inconsistent application of rights-conditionality (the requirement that governments uphold human rights standards in exchange for aid or cooperation) and restricted civil-society consultation has signaled to grassroots actors that their role in policy creation is expendable (Douch et al., 2022). Rather than through outright rejection, these findings show retreats in rights-centered diplomacy through incremental reallocation of budgets away from civil-society and rights programming and incoherence across geopolitical agendas, such as trade, migration, and security agendas (Netherlands Helsinki Committee 2025).

The Dutch case shows how fragmented agendas and weakened accountability measures echo throughout multiple levels of international policy, allowing prior commitments to appear negotiable. Civil society actors warn that such shifts promote neighboring governments to follow suit, leading to a broader pattern of accountability problems (Netherlands Helsinki Committee 2025; Oxfam Novib & Oxfam International 2025). This retreat, which is in direct contradiction of the principles enshrined in the UDHR, SDGs, and EU charter, sets the stage for parallel erosions where domestic rights protections are at risk.

Donald Trump, President of the United States of America, addresses the general debate of the General Assembly’s eightieth session.
President of United States of America Addresses 80th Session of General Assembly Debate. UN Photo/Laura Jarriel

Rights and Domestic Policy

The impacts of international retrenchment – retreats from commitments to health, climate, and rights-based foreign policy – do not remain external. These withdrawals negatively affect domestic enforcement mechanisms and social expectations surrounding rights implementation. When multilateral agreements rapidly deprioritize rights, this becomes normalized, emboldening domestic governments to strip protections at home. This feedback loop allows weakened rights-focused diplomacy and domestic rights rollback to reinforce one another. This cycle not only weakens rights protections but also reshapes public expectations, making exclusionary practices appear normal and acceptable.

In the United States, coercive practices at home (such as accelerated removals of migrants and courthouse detentions of asylum seekers) demonstrate how isolationist attitudes abroad have begun to change acceptable federal action (UCLA Law Review 2023; OHCHR 2025). These practices are incentivized by orders that prioritize border control and the rapid returns of migrants to their countries of origin (or “safe third party” countries or countries with “deportation deals”) (The Olive Press, 2025; Democracy Now, 2025). This pushes agencies to expand detention, expedite cases, and limit court oversight, factors that weaken due process (UCLA Law Review 2023; UNHCR 2025). The US is not alone here; several high-income countries are seeing migration issues reframed as management problems. Tightened asylum processing, shorter appeal windows, and over-reliance on administrative solutions all lead to eroded procedural protections for non-citizens and displaced people (Beltran Saavedra et al. 2025; UNHCR 2025).

The stability of rights depends on institutional resources and sustained commitment. When supervision decreases, governments advance these restrictive agendas without restraint, leaving vulnerable populations unprotected (Herre & Arriagada 2025; ILGA‑Europe 2024). This leads to lower civic participation, polarized public spheres, and diminished capacity for collective problem solving (CivicPulse, 2025). These deficits weaken civic infrastructure and amplify exclusionary narratives (American Bar Foundation 2023). What begins as external retrenchment becomes an internal erosion of democratic resilience, hollowing out safeguards that once constrained state power and leaving societies more vulnerable to authoritarian appeals.

Reimagining Rights-Centered Diplomacy

High-income countries must recommit and reinvest to undo harm and re-embed rights in diplomacy. This will involve dedicated funding for civil society partners, binding impact assessments, and robust oversight mechanisms with procedural safeguards (IOB 2024; UNHCR, 2025). Domestic resilience requires enforcement of judicial review and sustained support for watchdog institutions that defend minority rights against political pressures (American Bar Foundation 2023). These reforms prioritize long-term protections and reinforce institutional infrastructure to withstand short-term pressures. This, along with the recommendations from the IOB (2024) evaluation, ensure that rights commitments remain operational and also restore local and global credibility. High-income countries are faced with two options: accept the continual loss of civic trust and democratic security or invest in durable institutions that can safeguard rights amid geopolitical volatility.

Indigenous Groups Demand Change at COP30

The United Nations Climate Change Conference, or COP, brings together nearly every country annually for a “multilateral decision-making forum on climate change.” Leaders in business, science, governance, and civil society organizations attend to “strengthen global, collective and inclusive climate action.” In the first organized protests at a major climate summit since 2021, thousands of Indigenous activists marched the streets of Belém, Brazil, the site of COP30 in 2025, to demand action on a range of issues. COP30 Executive Director Ana Toni stressed that the protestors had legitimate concerns and that Brazil’s democratic government allows for “different forms of protest.” Protestors travelled from across South America to call for Indigenous representation in the formulation of global climate policy and to spotlight local Indigenous land sovereignty issues.  

Leaders at COP30 climate panel
Leaders discuss climate action at COP30 panel. By: peopleimages.com. Source: Adobe Stock. Asset ID#: 1782077705

Demand for Demarcation 

Signs at the marches read “demarcation now,” demanding that states, particularly Brazil, transfer legal ownership of land to Indigenous peoples. Brazil’s Minister for Indigenous Peoples, Sonia Guajajara, echoed the protesters’ sentiment, claiming that one goal of COP30 is to ensure that “countries recognise the demarcation of Indigenous lands as climate policy.” Demarcation is more than an issue of sovereignty or law; it is also a strategy for environmental conservation. Indigenous communities tend to their local forests and bodies of water using unique cultural knowledge. Some research suggests that Indigenous caretaking can enhance wildlife biodiversity, decrease deforestation, and mitigate disease. The UN’s Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) recognizes that Indigenous cultural practices “[contribute] to sustainable and equitable development and proper management of the environment.”  

Amid the encroachment of mining companies and the recent authorization of oil drilling near the mouth of the Amazon River, one Indigenous leader stated, “We want our lands free from agribusiness, oil exploration, illegal miners and illegal loggers.” He also said, “We can’t eat money,” critiquing the focus on climate finance at previous COP summits while environmental degradation continues.

Advocates have called for the Brazilian government to abandon the marco temporal legal theory, which holds that only lands allotted to Indigenous peoples during the 1988 adoption of the Brazilian constitution are eligible for demarcation.

In a breakthrough, the Brazilian government announced at COP30 that it would, for the first time since 2018, demarcate ten Indigenous lands. The UNDRIP states that redress, including land repatriation, should be provided to Indigenous peoples whose property was taken without their consent. All 193 UN member states have adopted the UNDRIP, but it is a non-binding declaration, meaning states must decide whether to incorporate its ideals in their national laws. Brazil’s demarcation efforts exemplify the commitments outlined in the UNDRIP.

Violence in Guarani-Kaiowá

The murder of Guarani and Kaiowá Indigenous peoples during the final week of COP30 by private security forces demonstrates the importance of demarcation and protection of Indigenous lands and their peoples. Attacks on the Guarani and Kaiowá communities over land disputes in the state of Mato Grosso Do Sul, Brazil, have an ongoing history. In 2024, the head of UN Human Rights in South America called for land demarcation and a full investigation into these attacks. In the Guarani-Kaiowá struggle to regain sovereignty over their land, which has largely been lost to agribusiness, activists and spokespersons have been targeted by security forces allegedly hired by estate owners.  

Global Witness has tracked murders and disappearances of environmental defenders since 2012, and Indigenous leaders, particularly in Central and South American countries, are overrepresented among the victims of these attacks. According to the report, extractive, land, and agribusiness industries have been linked to these attacks. These attacks underscore the importance of demarcation for Indigenous peoples in South America. 

Indigenous woman walks on a mountainside in Peru.
Indigenous woman walks on a mountainside in Peru. By: sayrhkdsu. Source: Adobe Stock. Asset ID#: 451597782

Brazil’s Environmental Policy 

Before the conference, the Brazilian government positioned itself as a climate leader, but some have criticized the current administration’s inconsistent attitude toward environmental conservation. President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva has overseen a significant reduction in deforestation, which was ramped up under former President Bolsonaro’s leadership, but some environmental groups have denounced the recent authorization of oil drilling near the Amazon River. The president argues that oil will remain a necessity for years to come and that Brazilians should profit from it. Others point to the Amazon rainforest’s crucial role in storing carbon and reducing global atmospheric greenhouse gases. Some evidence suggests that the Amazon could become a savannah in the coming years as deforestation and drought intensify.  

Like Brazil’s broader environmental policy, recent actions have included successes for Indigenous rights, as well as failures to protect marginalized groups. The country recently undertook the Ywy Ipuranguete, or “Beautiful Land“, initiative, which aims to strengthen Indigenous-led land management efforts across fifteen Indigenous lands, accounting for six million hectares of land. The Brazilian Biodiversity Fund states, “the project focuses on strengthening sustainable territorial management.” When Indigenous communities are given access to collective property rights over land, there is a marked decrease in deforestation in these areas. Experts at a 2019 UN conference highlighted the importance of Indigenous participation in conservation efforts. 

The Federal Prosecutor’s Office in Brazil is suing the mining company Vale and the Brazilian government for “heavy metal contamination in the bodies of Xikrin Indigenous people.” The company’s nickel mining contaminated the Catete River and Indigenous lands, the lawsuit alleges. A study conducted by the Federal University of Para found nickel levels as high as 2,326% above the safe limit in one woman.  

Aerial view of Amazon rainforest in Brazil.
Aerial view of Amazon rainforest in Brazil. By: Curioso.Photography. Source: Adobe Stock. Asset ID#: 339931047

COP30 Outcome 

Brazil’s tepid attitude towards climate policy reflects the results of COP30. While $5.5 billion was raised for the Tropical Forests Forever Fund, with 20% going to Indigenous communities, the Conference fell short of an explicit commitment to move away from fossil fuels—despite a warning from scientist Carlos Nobre before the final talks that continuing fossil fuel use beyond 2040 will lead to catastrophic temperature increases, collapsing the Amazon rainforest ecosystem. UN leadership emphasized the significance of a multilateral agreement in an era of geopolitical strife, despite the agreement’s limitations. The COP30 president, André Corrêa do Lago, conceded that “some […] had greater ambitions for some of the issues at hand,” acknowledging the gap between the Indigenous protestors’ demands for a radical change in climate policy and the material commitments made at the Conference. 

In a potent moment of recognition for Indigenous grievances, do Lago held an Indigenous baby before leading a group of protestors to an hours-long discussion. Indigenous participation in COP30 yielded wins for Indigenous communities, even if the global commitments did not go as far as some hoped. 15 governments agreed to support the Intergovernmental Land Tenure Commitment, which will “collectively recognise and strengthen 160 million hectares of Indigenous Peoples and local community lands” across tropical forest regions. While progress in the fight for environmental protection and Indigenous rights is staggered, Indigenous protestors made their presence felt at COP30, showing the world that Indigenous participation in environmental conservation matters. 

 

The Silent Epidemic: Why Syphilis is Surging

Syphilis is an infection that has killed millions over the span of centuries and affected key figures like Al Capone and Edouard Manet. When the life-changing development of antibiotics arrived, it brought the disease under control, and, for years, syphilis outcomes improved. However, syphilis is on the rise again across the world. In 2025 alone, more than 20 babies in Hungary have died of congenital syphilis, which means they contracted the disease from their mothers. The advancement of syphilis is occurring not just abroad, but domestically, as well. In Mississippi, there has been an 80% increase in recent cases and a 1000% increase in congenital syphilis in the last six years. The global danger of the resurgence of the disease represents a medical danger and a failure to uphold the right to health. As syphilis is a preventable and treatable disease, these rising cases globally expose inequities in healthcare access, surveillance, and social determinants of health. 

What is Syphilis?

Syphilis is caused by Treponema pallidum bacteria and is a sexually transmitted infection. Women can also pass the disease to their babies during pregnancy; this is considered congenital syphilis. The development of the infection is broken up into four different stages: primary, secondary, latent, and tertiary. 

Each stage is categorized by different outcomes and demonstrates the development of the disease. The primary stage is categorized by the appearance of a sore; though it is a minor sight, testing and treatment is still critical at this stage to ensure that the infection does not transition into the secondary stage. This next stage is categorized by the appearance of rashes and symptoms like swollen lymph glands and a fever. Treatment is critical at this stage as it addresses key symptoms and prevents the development of latent and tertiary stages. Latent stage represents a short period in which there are no signs or symptoms; this tends to induce no urgency for treatment, which in turn can result in further disease transmission and congenital syphilis. The tertiary stage, which is the final stage, includes significant damage to organ systems and can result in death. There is also the risk of development of neurosyphilis, which is when the disease spreads into the nervous system, ocular syphilis, which is when syphilis spreads to the eye, and otosyphilis, which is when the bacteria spreads to the ear. This type of spread can occur at any stage and compounds the debilitating nature of the illness. 

When syphilis remains unchecked, it violates the right to health.

Treatments and Prevention

Key interventions for syphilis include medical tests, for example a treponemal test, which is a blood test that is often given after certain physical symptoms appear and which indicates whether the patient has ever had syphilis. Latent infections require serologic testing, which identifies antibodies in a patient’s blood to identify that there is either a current infection or that there has been a previous infection. Gathering this information is critical, considering this stage of syphilis is categorized by no symptoms or signs. Upon testing and confirmation of the presence of syphilis, usually penicillin is administered; this intervention is quite successful but poses a risk for individuals who are allergic to penicillin and those who have limited access to healthcare providers who can not only administer the medicine but also educate the patient about the appropriate treatment regime. 

Syphilis prevention consists of general safe sex tips, such as condom usage, consistent testing, and communication with sexual partners. These practices, however, are restricted by disparities observed across the globe. For example, data suggests that there is a negative association between a region’s Social Demographic Index and unsafe sex; this contributes to the risk of sexually transmitted infections, including syphilis, that rise as a region’s Social Demographic Index (an indicator that is composed of “total fertility, per capita income, and average years of education“) falls. 

Photo 1: Rapid point-of-care syphilis test.Source: Wikimedia Commons: CDC Public Domain
Photo 1: Rapid point-of-care syphilis test. Source: Wikimedia Commons: CDC
Public Domain

The Global Surge of Syphilis

Global disparities have enabled a surge of syphilis. From 2020 to 2022, the number of new adult syphilis cases across the globe increased from 7.1 million to 8.0 million; this correlates to a global prevalence of active syphilis of 0.6% in 2022. The burden is also observed in congenital cases. In 2022, the congenital case rate was 523 per 100,000 live births, representing over 390,000 adverse birth outcomes including stillbirths, low-birth weights, and neonatal deaths. 

Beyond the global statistics that demonstrate the general outcomes of the disease, it is critical to understand the burden of the infection through a regional lens. In 2020, Africa, the Americas, and the Western Pacific were burdened significantly more than their global peers, with incidence rates of 96 million, 74 million, and 86 million, respectively. These areas have limited access to adequate screening opportunities, which not only impacts adult populations but also allows for congenital syphilis to remain rampant. Additional factors, such as stigma, contribute to barriers, especially for men who have sex with men, which allows for the further development of the disease.

The development of the disease burden reflects structural and social failures that leave vulnerable communities unable to support themselves and their health. For example, key populations affected by syphilis include gay men and men who have sex with men; these populations are already underrepresented and underserved.

The Future of Change

Despite these challenges, significant progress has been made to support the development of key systems and procedures in the fight against syphilis. This was a key goal of the World Health Organization in 2025, and the organization hopes to end sexually transmitted disease epidemics within the next five years. 

To accomplish this goal, the World Health Organization worked with countries to develop plans for how to address sexually transmitted diseases, provided case management guidelines, recommended dual HIV and syphilis rapid diagnostic tests, and more. Specific recommendations were made regarding syphilis through testing and partner services. Generally, the adoption of key policies to fight sexually transmitted diseases has been observed in Africa, the Americas, and the Western Pacific, which is encouraging in terms of improving access to the right to health. Some delays in introduction of these approaches have been seen in some countries due to geopolitical instability, but general trends suggest uptake of recommendations and progress towards the 2030 goal. In order to ensure that this goal is achievable, key resources need to be mobilized and made accessible to ensure progress does not stall. 

Conclusion

Although progress has been made in terms of syphilis prevention and treatment, additional approaches are critical to ending the crisis. In tandem with support from multilateral collaboration, it is critical to strengthen public health access. From mobilizing additional resources to providing accessible screening, vulnerable communities can gain access to resources that would allow them to take ownership of their health outcomes. This would be accompanied by educational efforts to help destigmatize sex education and reduce disease transmission. Alongside these interventions, surveillance and data collection is critical, because this will not only document changed outcomes, but it will also help identify opportunities for collaborations, making health systems more resilient. 

Because syphilis is a treatable and preventable infection, it is clear that this global resurgence of the disease is not inevitable; rather, it is an outcome of inequity, stigma, and broken systems. When working to preserve the right to health, people need to be protected both right now and for generations to come.

Silent Spread: Rising Drug Resistant Gonorrhea

Gonorrhea is no longer just a common sexually transmitted infection (STI) – it has become one of the world’s most dangerous drug-resistant infections. Gonorrhea is a preventable and curable STI that infected over 82 million adults in 2020. The consequences of infection include infertility and the increased risk of HIV. The impact of gonorrhea is dangerous enough to raise international caution, but the development of drug-resistant gonorrhea has resulted in this not just being a sexual health issue, but a public health emergency. The issue of antimicrobial resistance is coupled by delayed diagnosis, stigma, and gaps in global health, leaving millions of lives vulnerable and jeopardizing their human right to health.

What is Gonorrhea?

Gonorrhea is caused by Neisseria gonorrhoeae which is a bacteria that is transmitted sexually. The infection primarily impacts younger populations from 15 to 49 years old and largely women. Generally, in international populations, LGBTQ+, racial minorities, indigenous populations, and sex workers bear a disproportionate burden of gonorrhea. 

This burden is both physical and emotional. When working through the development of the infection, it may bring up concerns for distrust; a patient in Georgia bravely accounts for her story with gonorrhea with a date. From unprotected intercourse to getting tested early, she shares the dangers in onset and the importance of urgency with the infection. 

If the infection is not treated in a timely manner, there could be significant reproductive health complications such as pelvic inflammatory disease, which is an infection of the female reproductive organs, and chorioamnionitis, a serious pregnancy complication, both of which contribute to the onset risk of infertility. This is coupled by the heightened risk of HIV acquisition.

The danger of gonorrhea is that asymptomatic infections, making up around 90% of infections in women and 56% to 87% of infections in men, can silently spread in communities. This increases the risk of transmission and complications due to the infection. This amplifies the public health crisis of sexually transmitted infections throughout the world, placing an increased burden on communities with already limited resources.

Photo of a variety of different bacteria - testing for antimicrobial resistance.Credit: Wikimedia Commons - DFID CC 2.0
Photo of a variety of different bacteria – testing for antimicrobial resistance.
Credit: Wikimedia Commons – DFID/ Will Crowne
CC 2.0 Also available at: https://www.flickr.com/photos/dfid/48758842257/

What is Antimicrobial Resistance?

Antimicrobial resistance is a critical global health development, claiming the title of the “Silent Pandemic.” Its danger is developed through the misuse of antimicrobials in humans, animals, and plants; this results in the development of bacteria and pathogens that are resistant to drugs. Although new drugs are developed to support intervention against a variety of infections across the world, there is always the risk of antimicrobial resistance, regardless of how complex the drug is. The issue of antimicrobial resistance spans beyond low and middle income countries; rather, it affects countries from all income levels. However, its drivers are exacerbated by poverty and inequality. 

In 2021, antimicrobial resistance caused around 1.1 million deaths, with a forecast of 1.9 million deaths by 2050. This is coupled by financial losses, resulting in an economic impact of trillions of dollars across the world. Along with these losses, there is the problem of drug-resistant HIV, tuberculosis, and malaria. The onset of drug-resistant forms of these diseases results in a lack of access to critical medication that can promise maintenance or help address the disease at hand. This challenge has been approached by a variety of factors. From the expected means, like education and public awareness, to the integration of artificial intelligence, there are a variety of tools to help combat and address antimicrobial resistance. 

Antimicrobial Resistance of Gonorrhea

What is unique about the relationship between antimicrobial resistance and gonorrhea is that gonorrhea has grown resistant to nearly every drug that is used to treat it. This has resulted in there being only one class of antibiotics available for gonorrhea control. When reflecting on its accessibility, it is easily covered by insurance throughout the United States and other Global North countries, but treatment is not as accessible in the Global South, requiring collaborations and private-public partnerships.

Global conversations suggest that resistance to ceftriaxone and cefixime, common antibiotics used for treatment of gonorrhea, have risen to 5% and 11% respectively, whereas resistance to ciprofloxacin, another formerly effective drug against gonorrhea, has reached 95%. Data for the United States, specifically through the Gonococcal Isolate Surveillance Project, has suggested that gonorrhea has decreased susceptibility to an antibiotic, and laboratory results demonstrate that increased antibiotics are critical to halt all growth. Internationally, resistance to key treatments further supports the need for surveillance of gonorrhea, but this may not be feasible. 

Factors Contributing to the Rise of Antimicrobial Resistance

Antimicrobial resistance has been on the rise across the globe for a variety of reasons. The largest reason, as mentioned, is antibiotic misuse. This is driven by the administration of antibiotic prescriptions without a policy or treatment regimen, which is especially common in developing countries, as many prescription medicines are available over the counter in these countries. In developed countries, lack of health literacy or forewarning by healthcare providers also fuels misuse. The nature of antibiotic prescriptions also contributes to the global burden of antimicrobial resistance; its being overprescribed by healthcare providers contributes to the development of resistance long term, especially when these medicines are prescribed over lengthy courses. 

Another factor that contributes to antimicrobial resistance is the general delay of care for sexually transmitted diseases and infections. Generally, barriers to care-seeking can be attitudes, social stigma or mental conditions, which can be exacerbated by health system factors like lack of access to a clinic or lack of insurance. This delays timely treatment and access to a treatment regimen that would work best for the patient. 

The Need for Gonorrhea Resistance Surveillance

In spite of certain medical interventions’ not working, there is one action that can promise a healthier future and that is expanding surveillance. Genomic surveillance, the process of monitoring and analyzing the genetic makeup of a pathogen, can help guide gonorrhea control. There have been a variety of programs that have supported understanding gonorrhea. From the CDC’s Gonococcal Isolate Surveillance Project to the WHO’s Gonococcal Antimicrobial Surveillance Program, data about gonococcal antimicrobial susceptibility has been collected. With this data, information is mobilized to key regions, which then informs the gonorrhea strategy in each country. Surveillance is challenged by access to funding and laboratory resources, but this approach still demonstrates that collecting key data can help support global treatment guidelines and policies. 

What Is Next?

As the global fight against antimicrobial resistance occurs, it is critical for us all to do our part. Within the conversation of prevention, it is critical that safe sex practices, like condom use and STI testing, are leveraged. If symptoms appear, it is critical to seek our care and not start any medication regime without medical guidance. Within all conversations, it is critical to normalize conversations about sexual health and seeking out medical help when needed. As the danger of drug-resistant gonorrhea is growing, it is critical for everyone to take a part in the journey, helping us prevent a future where gonorrhea is untreatable. Drug-resistant gonorrhea is not inevitable; it’s a preventable crisis. The choices we make today will determine whether future generations inherit an infection we can still control and are able to fully enjoy their human right to health. 

 

The Toll of Iran’s Women‑Led Rights Movement: A Psychological Standpoint

Woman Life Freedom
Image 1: “Woman Life Freedom” The slogan highlights courage and persistence in the global struggle for equality and justice. Source: Adobe Stock #1657149359

On September 16, 2022, the death of 22-year-old Mahsa Jina Amini while in the custody of Iran’s morality police ignited a nationwide uprising. What began as protests over hijab enforcement evolved into a broader demand for freedom and justice under the slogan “Woman, Life, Freedom.” But beyond the political stakes, this movement has unleashed profound psychological consequences for individuals and society; it is a crisis at the intersection of human rights and mental health.

An Overview of the Crisis

Women in Iran began revolting after the death of 22-year-old Mahsa (Jina) Amini, who was arrested by the country’s “morality police” in September 2022 for allegedly wearing her hijab too loosely. Witnesses reported that she was beaten in custody, and she died shortly afterward, becoming a symbol of the everyday oppression that Iranian women face under strict mandatory hijab laws and decades of state surveillance, harassment, and punishment. Her death ignited widespread anger, leading women and girls to remove their hijabs, cut their hair, and protest the broader system of gender-based control. This outrage quickly expanded beyond Amini herself, sparking one of the largest protest movements in Iran’s recent history and drawing nationwide support.

The protests triggered by Amini’s death were among the largest Iran had seen in decades, spreading to more than 150 cities. State repression followed swiftly: reports indicate that security forces used lethal force, detained thousands, and committed acts of torture and sexual violence against protesters. A UN fact-finding mission later concluded that many of these violations may amount to crimes against humanity, including murder, imprisonment, torture, and persecution, particularly targeting women. Despite international outcry, accountability has been limited, and the psychological wounds continue to deepen.

The Weaponization of Psychiatry

One of the most chilling psychological tactics used by the Iranian regime against participants in the recent protests is the involuntary psychiatric hospitalization of dissenters. Authorities have publicly admitted that some student protesters were sent to “psychological institutes” during and after the protests, not for genuine mental illness, but as a tool to “re-educate” them.

In one particularly disturbing case, Ahoo Daryaei, a doctoral student who protested by partially removing her hijab in public, was reportedly forcefully disappeared and likely sent to a psychiatric hospital. Labeling protest behavior as “madness” isn’t just stigmatizing; it’s a deliberate form of repression rooted in misusing mental health institutions. Psychiatrists inside and outside Iran have condemned this practice as a gross violation of human rights.

Trauma, Anxiety, and Depression

The violence of the crackdown and the constant threat to safety have caused widespread psychological trauma. But even those not visibly injured describe deep emotional scars.

In interviews and counseling settings, psychologists report a surge in anxiety and depression among young women across Iran. A female psychotherapist described how girls in small towns, once relatively isolated, entered into a state of “heightened awareness” after Amini’s death, but also into frustration and internal conflict:

“This newfound awareness has disrupted their previous state of relative comfort … tension and conflict within their families have become an added burden …”

These emotional struggles are compounded by the fact that some girls feel guilty or disloyal to their families when they defy expectations, which is a significant psychological burden. On a broader level, the constant surveillance, repression, and societal division fuels pervasive fear. A published analysis of Iran’s protests noted that protest-related trauma is not just physical but deeply psychological, affecting individuals’ ability to trust, belong, and imagine a safer future.

Collective Psychology: Identity, Resilience & Social Change

Despite the repression, the movement has fostered powerful collective resilience and identity. Psychologically, protests like these are often rooted in social identity theory: people come together around a shared sense of injustice (in this case, gender-based oppression and state violence) and develop strong bonds that motivate collective action.

One manifestation of this is the growing refusal of women to wear the hijab, which is becoming seen as a normalized act of civil disobedience. This symbolic rejection has become a form of psychological resistance. Rather than waiting for external change, many Iranians are asserting internal agency and self-determination.

This quiet revolution isn’t risk-free. Protesters face brutality, arrest, and psychological harm. But for many, the act of defiance itself is a source of empowerment and a way to reshape their own sense of identity, purpose, and belonging in a context that so blatantly denies them autonomy.

Iranian woman protesting
Image 2: Iranian woman protesting. Source: Adobe Stock, Mumpitz, #543171718

Intergenerational Effects & the Future

The mental health impacts of the crackdown are likely to have long-term, intergenerational consequences. Children and teenagers exposed to violence, either directly or via their families, may carry trauma that affects their development, academic performance, and relationships. For some, the protests represent a break from generational patterns of silence or submission, but that break comes with a cost.

Moreover, the lack of institutional accountability, as documented by Human Rights Watch and the UN, compounds the trauma. Without justice or recognition, survivors may struggle to process their experiences, leading to lasting emotional scars. Yet, there is hope: the persistence of the movement, even in the face of brutal repression, suggests that for many Iranians, psychological healing and human-rights change are intertwined. The continued refusal to comply, the daily acts of resistance, and the communal memory of trauma may all serve as foundations for a future built on dignity and freedom.

Why This Is a Human Rights and Mental Health Crisis

From a human-rights perspective, what’s happening in Iran is not just political suppression, but also a systematic campaign of gendered persecution, psychological control, and enforced conformity. The UN mission concluded that many of the regime’s actions amounted to crimes against humanity, including persecution, torture, and sexual violence.

Psychologically, the use of psychiatric institutions to silence dissenters violates fundamental principles of autonomy and mental integrity. Even more, the widespread trauma threatens social cohesion, sense of identity, and collective well-being. The mental health crisis is not a side effect, it’s central to the human rights violations. Without addressing both the physical and psychological consequences, the wounds of this movement will remain unhealed, and the foundation for meaningful justice and reform will be unstable.

What Needs to Happen

Addressing this crisis requires coordinated action on multiple fronts. International accountability and support are essential, with bodies like the UN and international courts pressing for justice, accountability, and reparations for victims of repression, while countries with universal jurisdiction consider investigating human rights abuses, including psychological repression. Mental health infrastructure and aid must also be expanded, with support from international organizations to provide trauma counseling and remote psychosocial assistance to Iranians both inside and outside the country who lack safe access to care. Protecting dissenters from psychiatric abuse is critical; international psychiatry associations should condemn involuntary hospitalizations of protesters and provide clear guidelines for safeguarding patients’ rights, while diplomatic or economic pressure could be directed at institutions complicit in these abuses. Finally, empowering local and global solidarity is vital: amplifying the voices of Iranian activists, particularly women, and supporting cultural forms of resistance such as music, art, and storytelling can promote healing, identity formation, and collective resilience.

Conclusion

The “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement in Iran is more than a political uprising; it’s a psychological battleground. The regime’s brutal crackdown is not only a violation of bodily rights but of mental integrity. People are being traumatized, surveilled, pathologized, and denied justice. Yet in the face of repression, they are also cultivating a new collective identity, resilience, and purpose. Understanding this crisis through a psychological lens is essential. It reminds us that human rights are not abstract ideals; they are woven into our mental well-being, our capacity to heal, to resist, and to imagine a freer future.

Digital ECA Bill: Brazil’s Bold New Online Protections for Minors

The internet is one of the fastest-growing things ever, with communities connecting billions of people worldwide every day. It’s used for business, communication, leisure, and everything in between. However, there are also potential dark sides to the web. Minors in particular can be exploited on the internet to be pressured into self-harm, be targeted by manipulative advertising, or even have their images exploited by AI. In response to these concerns, Brazil has passed a new landmark law defining new rules and regulations for companies handling the information of and providing services to underage people.

Online Dangers to Minors

People can connect with each other across the globe using the internet. That contact can be immediate and difficult to monitor, and it can also result in potentially dangerous data leaks. In the past, there have been issues with information and images that minors post being harmfully misused. For example, photos posted by Brazilian children were gathered into databases and fed to generative AI, which was then used to create harmful images of other children. Even if the information posted and shared by children is not inherently harmful or risky, it can still be misused with potentially harmful consequences.

Brazil, in particular, faces greater online risks due to its citizens’ strong online presence– Brazil ranked second in the world in average screen time for its citizens. When analyzing the digital habits of children in Brazil in 2025, the Brazilian Internet Steering Community found that a reported 92% of minors aged 9-17 were using the internet. Furthermore, 85% of children surveyed reported having an account on popular social media sites, highlighting an increased vulnerability for many of them with these connections to the online world.

A child in Brazil
A young native Brazilian girl Source: Pedro França/MinC (upload on Flickr by Ministério da Cultura), CC BY 2.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0>, via Wikimedia Commons

Any information put online, as well as user behaviors, can also be tracked and exploited. While this is a common tactic for companies to create profiles of people to target ads and services at them, there were examples highlighted in Brazil of surveillance and tracking through platforms used for online schooling. In 2022 and 2023, Human Rights Watch released its findings that multiple different sites used for online schooling, some of them official government sites, had surveilled their students. Not only were they tracking their behaviors during the use of the site and school hours, but they also gathered information across the web and during all hours of the day.

These are only a few highlighted instances of violations of children’s right to privacy. Some of the surveillance tactics were so intense that they were called “the digital equivalent of logging video surveillance each time a child scratches their nose or grasps their pencil in class.” Tracking information on the internet is not uncommon for many sites and organizations, but, from a human rights standpoint, it is inappropriate to be using intense surveillance tactics like these against children. Once the public became aware of these surveillance tactics used by websites used by children for online schooling, some of these websites were taken down from the internet or had to restructure their data collection practices.

Inside the New Bill

To combat these violations and provide more protection for its underage populations, Brazil has just recently passed a new law. On September 17 of this year, the Digital ECA bill was officially signed by Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and will come into effect next year. Within this new legislation, there are numerous significant enhancements and additions to children’s privacy and protection.

Official Portrait of Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva
Official Portrait of Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva Source: Palácio do Planalto from Brasilia, Brasil, CC BY 2.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0>, via Wikimedia Commons

According to the breakdown of the new policy by the International Association of Privacy Professionals, the Digital ECA bill will:

  • Apply for all service providers on the internet where their platform is likely to be accessed by, and is easily accessible for, anyone under 18.
  • Federally prohibit surveillance and profiling techniques in attempts to target and market to minors.
  • Require service providers to provide protections that prevent children from accessing inappropriate material, with extreme material, such as pornography and alcohol, specifically requiring more than just self-declaration as proof of age.
  • Mandate parental supervision tools on platforms that allow for protected privacy settings and proper handling of associated data.

The Digital ECA bill is broad in its scope of protections, as well as the tech services it will impact. It addresses numerous concerns across various industries and practices with these points. There can be difficulties with enforcing new laws such as this, but, as discussed in the next section, Brazil has implemented new authoritative institutions to help tackle this issue.

New Governing Bodies

To enforce the new policies outlined in the Digital ECA bill and provide further guidance and regulations, the creation of a specialized authority was necessary. The Brazilian National Data Protection Agency (ANPD) was established by Brazilian President Luiz as the regulatory body tasked with enforcing compliance with the new bill.

The ANPD issues official advice for companies on how to comply with the Digital ECA bill, makes legal regulations enforceable with fines, can temporarily revoke companies’ ability to continue their activities, and can enact permanent suspension on companies that fail to uphold this new law. By utilizing these powers, the ANPD can ensure that companies are properly penalized for using unlawful tactics against minors online.

Picture of the headquarters of the ANPD in Brazil
A picture of the headquarters for the ANPD in Brazil Source: Senado Federal, CC BY 2.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0>, via Wikimedia Commons

While these federal powers are new for the ANPD, they show that real power has been vested in this initiative for online protections. Time will tell how effective these strategies are, especially as the new bill comes into practice next year, but they show that government attention is being brought to these issues.

Conclusion

Brazil has made bold new strides in order to address online dangers for its underage population. By providing clear legal regulations and laws, as well as by establishing a governing body with the authority to enforce these rules, Brazil has significantly expanded its protections for children. Not only does this increase the privacy and safety of Brazil’s population, but it also serves as a strong example to the rest of the world on how to create a human rights-oriented change. Brazil is one example in a growing trend of countries strengthening protections for their citizens’ online content, privacy, and human rights.

Eyes on Catatumbo: Colombia’s Silent Humanitarian Crisis

In mid-January 2025, people living among rural hills and rivers of the Catatumbo subregion of Norte de Santander —along Colombia’s border with Venezuela— faced a drastic and sudden surge of violence. Rival armed groups clashed in a territorial battle that forced tens of thousands of men, women, and children to flee their homes in a matter of weeks. According to available estimates, more than 56,000 people were displaced during this outbreak. Entire communities were uprooted almost overnight. Families left behind crops, homes, and schools as they escaped through mountains, carrying little more than what they could hold. Some families traveled for days on foot, crossing rivers and unpaved trails, hoping to reach towns where humanitarian aid might be available. The journey itself was dangerous, exposing them to natural hazards, extreme weather, and the constant threat of encountering armed actors along the way.

The clashes also cut off humanitarian access, collapsing local health services and leaving thousands without food, shelter, or protection. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported that several municipalities, including El Tarra, Tibú, and Teorama, remain difficult to access even for aid convoys due to the presence of landmines and ongoing combat. These obstacles reveal not only the magnitude of the emergency but also the absence of a unified response strategy capable of addressing overlapping humanitarian, political, and security challenges. Medical teams attempting to bring vaccinations and essential medicines often have to reroute through alternative paths, delaying assistance to families in urgent need. Aid organizations have emphasized that the lack of reliable roads, combined with intermittent communications, hampers coordination and prevents the full scale of needs from being properly assessed.

Colombian army patrolling the streets, military forces on urban patrol in Colombia, soldiers securing the streets in Colombia, army troops conducting street patrol, Colombian military presence
Photo 1: Colombian army patrolling the streets. Source: Adobe Express. By: Alejandro. Asset ID# 1249540839.

A Conflict That Refuses to End

For many in Catatumbo, this is not a new story. The region has long been a zone of contestation, where fertile land, strategic routes, and a history of coca cultivation have drawn armed actors for decades. Despite multiple peace efforts, the Colombian government and the National Liberation Army (ELN) have failed to reach a lasting agreement, even after several rounds of talks in 2024 and early 2025. These breakdowns in dialogue have left a dangerous power vacuum, allowing the ELN and the dissident Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) fronts to consolidate control in certain areas and tighten their grip on communities. Negotiations, often mediated by international actors, faltered due to persistent mistrust, accusations of non-compliance, and ongoing attacks during ceasefire periods.

Without a credible peace accord or strong state presence, civilians remain trapped between armed factions. Extortion, forced recruitment, and targeted assassinations continue to define daily life. In municipalities like Tibú, local residents report that shops must pay protection fees to avoid being attacked, while teachers and health workers face direct threats if they refuse to comply with armed groups’ demands or resist recruitment campaigns targeting young people. The persistence of conflict is also tied to the strategic importance of Catatumbo’s geography; its dense forests, mountainous terrain, and border with Venezuela make it a natural corridor for smuggling, illegal mining, and drug trafficking. Both the ELN and FARC dissidents use this border to move arms and coca paste, while Venezuelan armed groups exploit the instability to expand their influence.

For local residents, peace talks that never materialize mean that promises of safety remain words on paper, while violence continues to dominate daily life. As one community leader told the newspaper El Espectador in February 2025, “We are living between two wars—the one that happens in the mountains and the one that happens in silence when no one comes to help us.” This sentiment is echoed across Catatumbo, reflecting the frustration and fear that residents endure as cycles of displacement and insecurity continue year after year.

When the Crisis Fades from View

Despite the urgency and scale of this crisis, national and international coverage faded quickly after the first wave of reports in January and February 2025. That silence matters. When forced displacement disappears from headlines, so do the people living it. This invisibility normalizes neglect, delays humanitarian responses, and weakens accountability.

Based on the most recent protection analysis report, by April more than 62,000 people had been displaced and an additional 27,000 confined in their homes, unable to move because of landmines or threats from armed groups. Yet beyond a few humanitarian updates, public attention dwindled. One reason lies in the geography and access issues of Catatumbo. Journalists and medical staff face severe restrictions: entering many rural zones requires permission from the military or local armed actors. Donor fatigue also plays a role: international organizations have limited budgets and often prioritize higher-visibility crises. As a result, funding for Colombia’s internal displacement response in regions like Catatumbo has lagged.

The invisibility of the crisis is not just informational, it is political.

A view of indigenous children from the Embera people, displaced by armed conflict.
Photo 2: A view of indigenous children from the Embera people, displaced by armed conflict. Source: UN Photo; by Mark Garten; Unique Identifier: UN7715269.

The Stakes: Life, Dignity, and the Fabric of Communities

When a family flees their home at night carrying only what they can, they are not just moving, they are losing a way of life. Land, livelihood, and community ties are abruptly severed. Among those displaced in Catatumbo, families are separated, elders lose access to medication, and children miss months of school. Young people face a heightened risk of recruitment or exploitation. Humanitarian workers warn that amid the chaos, gender-based violence, human trafficking, and child recruitment are on the rise. These are not isolated incidents; they are part of a broader pattern of rights violations that undermine communities’ social fabric.

This is not only a crisis of numbers—it is a crisis of rights and belonging. When the state cannot or will not guarantee protection, internal borders form. These lines are not drawn on maps, but rather through abandonment, neglect, and fear. Those living within these invisible borders are often left to face violence alone. The humanitarian system’s focus on immediate relief, without long-term strategies for restitution or reintegration, risks perpetuating these cycles of vulnerability.

Cúcuta: The Border City Bearing the Weight

The humanitarian fallout has spilled into Cúcuta, one of the largest cities in Norte de Santander and a key crossing point to Venezuela. As displaced families arrive seeking refuge, schools, shelters, and hospitals are overwhelmed. Local authorities struggle to register new arrivals and provide basic assistance. Many displaced people sleep in overcrowded houses or informal settlements near the border, where conditions are precarious. Limited job opportunities push most into informal labor or survival economies. Meanwhile, the influx of people has intensified pressure on already fragile public services, deepening social inequality and tensions in host communities.

Organizations like the International Rescue Committee (IRC) and Pastoral Social have set up temporary aid centers offering hygiene kits, psychosocial support, and legal counseling. However, these efforts often operate with minimal funding and no long-term sustainability. Teachers in Cúcuta’s public schools have reported overcrowded classrooms, with some hosting up to 50 students, many of them recently displaced or migrants from Venezuela. Children often struggle to keep up academically, while parents face pressure to find income quickly, forcing many into informal work that provides little security.

Human rights observers, including the ACT Alliance, the Norwegian Refugee Council, and UNHCR, have warned that unless there is sustained national support, Cúcuta and the surrounding municipalities could soon become the epicenter of a prolonged displacement emergency.The city’s local government has called for international coordination, urging Bogotá, UN agencies, and the Venezuelan authorities to establish a humanitarian corridor. However, bureaucratic obstacles and diplomatic tensions between the two countries have stalled progress. Even when aid is allowed, delays and limited resources prevent sustained coverage for both immediate relief and long-term recovery.

 

A view of a migrant tent
Photo 3: Migrant tent. Source: Adobe Express. By Andrea Izzotti. Asset ID# 128345640.

Documentation and the Demand for Accountability

In the midst of this crisis, documentation plays a crucial and often lifesaving role. Human rights groups, journalists, and even the survivors themselves aren’t simply keeping track of events; they are building a record that can shape humanitarian responses, inform policy, and hold perpetrators accountable in the future. Organizations like Human Rights Watch, the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), and the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) rely heavily on reports from the field to see what’s really happening, identify urgent needs, and spot patterns of abuse. They collect this information through interviews with displaced families, surveys in affected communities, and photographic or video evidence of destroyed homes, schools, and infrastructure. Each record isn’t just a statistic—it’s a voice, a story, and a testimony from people whose experiences are too often ignored or silenced.

For families, documentation gives words to experiences that are otherwise invisible. It allows survivors to describe what happened, who was affected, and who is responsible. Lists of victims, personal testimonies, and photographs are far more than records, they’re tools for protection, reparations, and accountability. Imagine a parent reporting that their teenage child has been forcibly recruited by an armed group; that report isn’t just a number in a database. It can trigger emergency protection measures, alert authorities to ongoing recruitment campaigns, and eventually inform broader policy changes. Photographs of destroyed homes, abandoned fields, or burned schools can serve as concrete evidence in legal and advocacy processes, ensuring that destruction and loss don’t go unnoticed.

But documentation on its own isn’t enough. In Catatumbo, the state is often absent, and political will is inconsistent at best. Armed groups operate with near impunity, while local authorities may lack the capacity, or the security, to act on reports of abuse. Without a platform to turn these records into action, documentation risks becoming a snapshot of suffering rather than a catalyst for change. This is why media attention, advocacy, and international solidarity are so essential. Without them, even the most thorough documentation can sit in databases without effecting any real-world impact.

The Colombian Truth Commission (CEV) has stressed that remembering is key to preventing repetition. Its final report highlights how collective memory plays a central role in breaking cycles of violence. But if testimonies simply sit in a database without leading to policy reforms or justice initiatives, then impunity continues, and survivors remain vulnerable. In other words, documentation must have a purpose: it must feed into action, whether through legal avenues, public policy, or protective measures.

Local communities have also taken matters into their own hands. Community radio stations like Voces del Catatumbo act as informal archives of survival. They broadcast updates, report abuses, and provide essential information about displacement, health, and security. These stations give residents a platform to be heard in real time and foster a sense of connection in a region where isolation is a constant threat. They are also a reminder that documentation isn’t just a bureaucratic process—it’s lived, community-driven work that can save lives.

A passenger truck travels on the road between Riohacha and Uribia on La Guajira peninsula, Colombia.
Photo 4: A passenger truck travels on the road between Riohacha and Uribia on La Guajira peninsula, Colombia. Source: UN Photo; by Gill Fickling; Unique Identifier: UN7386312.

What We Can Do as Readers, Citizens, and Advocates

Keeping eyes on Catatumbo is both a moral and political act. Sharing verified information, reading humanitarian updates, and amplifying local voices helps keep the crisis visible. International partners can support local organizations with funding and technical assistance, while citizens can call for greater accountability from their governments and international institutions.

We must hold two truths together: the urgency of humanitarian needs today, and the necessity of long-term justice and inclusion. Attention, when sustained and informed, can make a difference.

If we listen to the people of Catatumbo—and now those arriving in Cúcuta—we learn that rebuilding is not only about returning to what once was. It is about imagining what could be: a community whose safety, dignity, and memory are protected, not merely by the absence of conflict, but by the presence of justice.

 

Chlorine Warfare in Sudan’s Ongoing Humanitarian Crisis

Peaceful protester holds sign representing Sudanese flag in front of his face.
Image 1: Peaceful protester holds sign representing Sudanese flag in front of his face. Source: Adobe Stock. By: Gérard Bottino. Assert ID#: 273049844.

Gaseous chlorine is a yellow-greenish gas that, when inhaled, is extremely toxic and harmful to the body. It is a pulmonary irritant that burns conjunctiva, the throat, and the bronchial tree. In plain terms, it is a choking agent. When chlorine gas is inhaled, the respiratory tract is severely affected. The air sac in the lungs begins to secrete fluid, which causes a person to feel as if they are drowning. When used as a weapon, chlorine gas causes severe respiratory issues and, in extreme cases, death.

Recently, evidence has been brought forth in regards to Sudan’s military using chlorine gas as a weapon. The use of chlorine gas as a weapon goes against the Chemical Weapons Convention and is considered a war crime. Previously, at the end of 2024, a blog was written in relation to the civil war in Sudan by another blog writer. If you would like to read about the beginning of the war check out Delisha Valacheril’s blog post Civil War in Sudan: What is Happening and How to Help. This blog will address the Sudanese military’s use of chlorine gas amidst the humanitarian crisis and ongoing civil war in Sudan.

The Sudanese Military’s Use of Chlorine Gas:

Image 2: Sudanese soldier with assault rifle.
Image 2: Sudanese soldier with assault rifle. Source Adobe Stock. By: Bumble Dee. Asset ID#388763922.

On May 22, 2025, the U.S. Department of State released a press statement that determined that the Sudanese military had used chemical weapons in 2024 that were in violation of the Chemical and Biological Weapons Control and Warfare Elimination Act of 1991 (CBW Act). The statement neglected to detail which chemicals were used, and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) denied any such use of chemicals.

Since the U.S. Department of State’s press statement in May 2025, new evidence of the Sudanese military’s using chemical weapons has emerged. International news channel France 24 observed two incidents that occurred in September 2024, where the Sudanese Army was attempting to recapture al-Jaili oil refinery, which was then under Rapid Support Forces (RSF) control. In France 24’s investigation, they discovered that the chlorine canisters found around the oil refinery could only be carried by aircraft that the Sudanese military has exclusive access to.

Along with that, one of the oil barrels was imported from India by a Sudanese company that also supplies the Sudanese Army. The pictures and videos containing evidence of chlorine gas being used can be viewed in France 24’s report, linked here. In the pictures yellow-green clouds and large canisters with the remnant of a bright yellow chemical can be seen.

From a legal lens, all nations that ratify a convention or treaty are legally obligated to follow those regulations and rules. Violations of the Chemical Weapons Convention are considered war crimes and are potentially punishable in the International Criminal Court (ICC). Sudan ratified the Chemical Weapons Convention in 1999, meaning that the state is legally obligated to adhere to the agreed-upon terms of the convention.

Utilizing chlorine gas as a weapon is a violation of the Chemical Weapons Convention. As such, the use of chemicals by Sudan’s military is considered a war crime and, should the individuals responsible be identified, they could be punished in the International Criminal Court (ICC). This violation also goes against international humanitarian law, which seeks to decrease the effects of armed conflict and protects non-combatants. The deliberate use of chlorine gas, which affected not only RSF, but also civilians working at the oil refinery, emphasizes the growing danger in Sudan.

The Ongoing War in Sudan and Humanitarian Crisis:

Refugee camp full of people who took refuge due to insecurity and armed conflict.
Image 3: Refugee camp full of people who took refuge due to insecurity and armed conflict. Source: Adobe Stock. By: Miros. Asset ID#541706323

The ongoing war officially began April 15, 2023 when Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and RSF engaged in violent conflict, which both sides stated the other started. Prior to the war, tensions had been increasing between leadership of the SAF and RSF. Background on the conflict and leadership is available in the aforementioned blog post Civil War in Sudan: What is Happening and How to Help.

However, as far back as 2016, there have been reports of chemical weapons being used on people in Darfur, a remote area in Sudan. Amnesty International found evidence that these weapons had resulted in the injury and death of many Sudanese civilians. In September of 2016, Amnesty International reported that around 30 chemical attacks were used in remote areas within Darfur, Sudan. These attacks resulted in chemical injuries and painful deaths. The people most affected by these attacks were children. In interviews, Darfurian villagers talk about blistering skin and rashes amongst many other symptoms from chemical exposure.

The struggle of Sudan has been a largely silent affair, one that is often overlooked by the media and the rest of the world. The lack of coverage of this conflict happens in spite of the fact that Sudan is currently experiencing the world’s biggest humanitarian crisis since World War II. The fight for power between SAF and RSF has left many areas of Sudan completely destroyed. Families have been forced to flee their homes, crops have been decimated, and villages have been set ablaze.

Since the fighting began, an estimated 150,000 people have been killed, and another 14 million have been displaced. Due to the large influx of people fleeing the conflict, refugee camps in South Sudan, Ethiopia, and Chad have been filled past their capacity. Furthermore, because of the fighting between the Sudanese army and the RSF militia, close to 30 million people in Sudan need assistance in various forms, such as medical attention, food aid, housing, etc. On the border of Chad and Sudan, around 850,000 people are seeking refuge and aid.

Throughout the war, hospitals, schools, and homes have been targeted and destroyed. This is another violation of international humanitarian law, no matter which side targeted civilian infrastructure. With housing and hospitals continuing to be destroyed, food insecurity and malnutrition are steadily increasing.

Conclusion:

When chlorine gas is used, or any gaseous chemical for that matter, it does not discriminate in who is affected. It burns the lungs and restricts the breathing of anyone it touches: combatant, non-combatant, or children. The use of such weapons is in violation of the Chemical Weapons Convention and international humanitarian law. It is a war crime, and it is something that no person, least of all children, should experience.

The war in Sudan has been ongoing for over 2 years now. The people of Sudan continue to suffer, and the conflict shows little sign of ending soon. Moments like this underscore the urgent need for humanitarian aid and media attention.