Delisha Valacheril – UAB Institute for Human Rights Blog

Why Climate Change Isn’t Just a Youth Issue: Elderly Swiss Women Win Landmark Climate Change Case

Image 1. Woman in the middle of climate crisis. Source: Yahoo Images

As we walk on campus, we take note of leaves changing colors, the days getting shorter, and wafts of pumpkin spice lattes from Starbucks. These are all telltale marks of autumn, and yet it is still 70 degrees Fahrenheit in November. Despite the seasonal signs, the weather has seemed to get the memo that it is fall. Theheat from the summer has overstayed its welcome, and many people have started to take notice. This sense of dissonance is more than just an anomaly; it is clear indicator of the ongoing climate crisis. The persistent heat underscores how climate change is shifting familiar seasonal patterns, affecting agriculture, and disrupting our daily lives. Even though climate change affects all of us, it seems that the onus falls on the younger generation to fix this problem. For example, data from Climate Change in the American Mind surveys revealed younger generations are more likely than older generations to view global warming as personally important and/or to express a willingness to engage in climate activism. The growing sentiment that climate change is the young people’s problem. However, there is a group of elderly Swiss women who beg to differ on this issue.

In Klimaseniorinnen Schweiz and Others v. Switzerland, a group representing over 2,500 older Swiss women argued that the Swiss government’s insufficient action to address global warming violated their fundamental rights to health and life, putting them at heightened risk of death during heatwaves. On Tuesday, April 9, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that Switzerland’s inadequate response to climate change indeed infringed on its citizens’ human rights, setting a powerful precedent for future climate-related cases. This landmark ruling from Europe’s top human rights court has underscored a crucial shift in the fight against climate change. The elderly women who banded together to fight climate change emphasized how climate issues increasingly affect people of all ages. This victory for climate rights activists has come at a time when the impacts of climate change are palpable, with record-high temperatures extending into fall.

Image 2. Elderly Women in a Group. Source: Yahoo Images

Background

Despite being a part of the Paris Agreement, Switzerland has failed to curb greenhouse emissions, limit the effects of global warming, or cap rising temperatures. Studies show that “Switzerland broke temperature records on the ground last summer and at the zero-degree line.” This lack of action has resulted in many people being affected by climate change especially older women. One of the members of Klimaseniorinnen, Elisabeth Stern, while riding on public transit suffered from a heat wave that led to a panic attack. She comments to Time magazine about how awful the experience was, “I could hardly breathe.” Several other older Swiss women were experiencing adverse effects from the severe heat wave occurring in the country. They compiled their experiences and filed a lawsuit against the Swiss government for their inaction in addressing the growing climate control problem. The Klimaseniorinnen kept getting their case thrown out by the lower courts. After the Swiss Supreme Court rejected their case, the group had exhausted all legal options. The women were faced with the challenge of bringing the fight to an authority higher than the Swiss government. As their health grew more perilous, they were left with no option other than to file their suit with the European Court of Human Rights.

The group presented their findings along with research that shows why heat has a greater impact on women’s health including data by researchers at The Pennsylvania State University which support that heat kills more women than men, finding that older women are physiologically more vulnerable to high heat and humidity than older men. After reviewing all the evidence and personal stories, the Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights sided with the Klimaseniorinnen , representing a significant victory in climate litigation cases. Court President Síofra O’Leary stated that the Swiss government had not met its own greenhouse gas reduction targets and lacked a national carbon budget, even as the impacts of global warming become increasingly evident. However, the state of Switzerland still has to comply with the higher court’s ruling. The decision from the European Court of Human Rights reflects a shift towards protecting the climate as a human right. The right to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment is a universally recognized human right, according to Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It is a violation of basic human rights for a government to not meet emissions targets or otherwise work to fight climate change. With Switzerland being one of the richest countries, the government is equipped with the resources and tools to enact climate change policies that benefit the people. While this case sets a progressive precedent when it comes to government policy on climate issues, the real change requires work and action behind these decisions.

Image 3. Swiss Alps. Source: Yahoo Images

What to Watch For

This recent ruling from Europe’s top human rights court could compel Switzerland to accelerate its reduction of fossil fuel consumption, aligning more closely with its commitments to combat climate change. Fossil fuels, the primary driver of human-caused climate change, continue to be central to Switzerland’s emissions, despite the country’s pledge to cut greenhouse gas emissions by 50% by 2030, compared to 1990 levels. Although the Swiss government had introduced stronger measures to achieve this target, a 2021 referendum saw voters reject these policies, viewing them as too burdensome. By linking climate change with human rights, the court has opened the door to further climate litigation worldwide, likely encouraging more lawsuits in other countries as citizens demand government accountability for climate inaction.

Climate change has had a disproportionate impact on older women, who are particularly vulnerable to rising temperatures. In Europe, a study estimated that extreme heat contributed to over 70,000 excess deaths in 2022 alone, with older populations bearing the brunt of these fatalities. Women in this age group are more susceptible to heat-related illnesses due to a range of factors, including age-related health conditions, reduced capacity to regulate body temperature, and often limited mobility, which can make it harder to access cooling resources. As climate change drives more frequent and intense heatwaves, older women face heightened risks, making climate action not only an environmental imperative but also a matter of protecting public health. With this decision, the Swiss government should enact policies that aim to address these issues, support elderly women’s health, and protect its citizens against the mitigating effects of climate change.

Call to Action

The time to act is now—demand bold climate policies from your leaders and take a stand for a sustainable future. One way to participate is to join grassroots movements amplify your voice and ensure that climate justice remains a priority in your local community. Our planet’s future depends on us, so it is important to support legislation that addresses climate change and fight for meaningful environmental reforms. You have the power to make a difference, so do not wait for change. Together, we can work towards building a sustainable and equitable future and it starts by taking action today

Civil War in Sudan: What is Happening and How to Help

none — Image 1. Sudan Civil War Refugee Holding up Sudan’s Flag. Source: Yahoo Images.

After claiming over 20,000 lives, the civil war in Sudan rages on due to the deadlock position of the opposing sides. The conflict began in April of 2023 and is now coming up on two years of fighting, displacement, and destruction in the region. Nearly 8.2 million civilians have been displaced, and about 46,700 people were forced to leave within the span of a week, October 20-27. As families seek safety in other locations, some face challenges such as hunger, violence, and lack of medical aid. Those who remain face severe threats, including potential sexual assault and fear for their life. The situation grows more precarious as the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), led by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a paramilitary group led by General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, commonly known as “Hemedti” remain resistant to negotiations. Waiting for ceasefire operations to take place is not a realistic option. Sudanese people need protection now. International humanitarian law requires governments to take on the responsibility of protecting their citizens. It is time to respond to the humanitarian crisis occurring in Sudan.

Political Context Behind the Civil War

The tendrils of political unrest had been growing in Sudan for many years, but the catalyst event for the war took place in April of 2019 when the military coup deposed the president of 30 years. President Omar al-Bashir was arrested and forced from power in a military coup led by SAF and RSF forces after decades of government power. It began with protests spreading across the country demanding his removal due to his influence in the Darfur ethnic cleansing and the secession of South Sudan. The International Criminal Court has charged al-Bashir with five counts of crimes against humanity and two counts of war crimes. The corruption, mass-killing, and humanitarian issues were significant factors behind the military coup of 2019. Afterward, the SAF, RSF and civilian political leaders were faced with the question of how to integrate the RSF into the SAF, and who would assume leadership of the newly consolidated government. Negotiations to resolve the issue petered off and violence quickly became the deciding factor. These two military factions, SAF and RSF, were battling for control, which led to the current civil war taking place in Sudan.

Consequences of War

Since the coup in 2019, an unprecedented form of fighting has occurred in Sudan. During previous civil wars, the government was fighting rebel groups. In this case, RSF is a legal paramilitary force at war with SAF another military organization. As war spreads across the country, the civilian death toll rises and the lives at risk continue to climb. Civilians are still subjected to torture and summary executions, while women and girls endure widespread sexual violence. The conflict has decimated the country’s healthcare system further exacerbating the situation. More than 70 percent of health facilities are currently non-functional due to looting, occupation, or destruction. Healthcare workers are unable to provide aid to victims of the conflict because they lack resources and pay. Many basic services such as access to food, safe drinking water, and a clean and healthy environment, have been reduced. High rates of malnutrition coupled with low levels of immunization have resulted in catastrophic impacts, particularly for children. Disease outbreaks will continue to spread without proper healthcare infrastructure.

The geographic disposition of Sudan has compounded the effects of the civil war with almost 600,000 people affected by heavy rains and flooding across the country. According to the Sudan Floods Dashboard, this has resulted in an estimated 180,835 people have been displaced, 97 people have been killed, and 124,196 households have been destroyed. Flooding has intensified food insecurity, especially in areas where an estimated 230,700 people are at high risk of famine. These communities have been devastated by the recent severe weather, exacerbating an already critical situation. The civil war in Sudan has left millions suffering, large populations forced to leave, and much of Sudan cut off from humanitarian assistance.

Need for Resolution

The Sudanese Civil War has plunged the country into devasting turmoil. The two sides fighting, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), have no intention to stop anytime soon. Multiple efforts toward a U.N.-brokered humanitarian cease-fire only yielded partial success. In March of this year, the UN Security Council (UNSC) passed a resolution calling for an immediate cessation of violence in Sudan, but the resolution did not succeed. Initiatives like the Emergency Response Rooms, the Sudanese American Public Affairs Association, mutual-aid networks, and other civil society organizations have been highly active on the ground, courageously working despite immense danger. However, their numbers have dwindled as Sudan’s persistent violence continues to take a toll.

Without cooperative intervention, the crisis will only continue to escalate, leading to more lives lost and the future of hope distant. As a part of the international community, we must play a more active role in mediating the conflict and supporting peace efforts in Sudan. A peaceful resolution to the Sudanese Civil War is not only essential for the stability of Sudan but is also a humanitarian imperative. The brutality of the conflict—marked by widespread torture, summary executions, and pervasive sexual violence— is a clear violation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Donating to institutions like the International Rescue Committee can help support an integrated water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) program, child protection services and support for women and girls, including services for survivors of gender-based violence (GBV), health and nutrition services provided through static health facilities, and livelihood assistance through multi-purpose cash aid to internally displaced persons and members of the communities that host them. Together we can call for an end to the civil unrest in Sudan. Raising awareness about the crisis in Sudan is essential to mobilize support and resources for those affected. Using social media to repost advocacy organizations such as the Carter Center, the Sudan Relief Fund, and Mercy Corps International Sudan is a great way to use the platform to advocate for Sudan. As members of a global community, it is our moral obligation to ensure that Sudan can rebuild and move toward a future of peace and prosperity.

Why the Death Penalty Won’t Stop Sexual Violence Against Women in South Asia—And Might Make It Worse

clearing cache to see changes with image — Image 1. Women protesting Rape in India. Source: Yahoo Images

The death penalty as a form of punishment is seen as controversial across the globe. Primarily used in murder cases, it can be viewed as an archaic replacement of Hammurabi Code, an eye for an eye, which is why many oppose it. Proponents contest that this is a just, necessary deterrent for extremely violent crimes. They attest that it not only provides justice for the victims but also prevents criminals from committing murders. However, does that logic apply in real life? The government of West Bengal state government seems to agree after passing legislation allowing capital punishment for the offence of rape when it results in the victim’s death or leaves them in a vegetative state.

In India, this significant form of punishment for this kind of crime comes as a result of public outcry over the rape and murder of a 31-year-old postgraduate trainee doctor at Kolkata’s RG Kar Medical College and Hospital. This is not the first occurrence of punitive anti-rape legislation in India. Following the Nirbhaya case, a brutal gang rape of a young woman on a moving bus in Delhi, the nation was shocked to its core, and Parliament was expedient in passing Criminal Law (Amendment) Act in 2013 to allow the death penalty in rape cases. At face value, it seems like direct action is being taken to address sexual violence against women in India; however, conflicting reports from women’s rights groups and data on sexual violence against women prove otherwise. The death penalty for rape is far from an advancement in women’s rights, and it is actually a regressive step for women.

Death Penalty in Practice

There are currently 31 countries that enforce the death penalty for rape, especially in South Asia, in an attempt to mete out justice and protect women. This form of retributive justice is rooted in the patriarchal idea that “rape takes a woman’s life away,” essentially implying that a woman’s value is intrinsically tied to her sex. This sort of logic supports the death penalty for rape because it is protecting a woman’s dignity. However, this form of punishment does not actually protect women. Supreme Court advocate Shoumendu Mukherjee emphasizes that there is “no significant correlation between the imposition of the death penalty and a reduction in crime rates.” By increasing the barriers to reporting and perpetuating victim-centric stereotypes, the Advocates for Human Rights cite a study that shows “imposing the death penalty for rape can be more harmful to victims.”

In the majority of rape cases, the woman knows her rapist. Adding the execution of someone she knows, perhaps a family member, friend, or coworker, to the punishment of rape further exacerbates the culture of silence and lack of willingness for women to speak up. With many rape cases, the most significant hurdle is getting victims to speak up. Many victims struggle with understanding what happened to them, so introducing the death penalty may discourage women from coming forward because they do not want to condemn someone close to them to death. Another consequence of capital punishment for rape is a backlog of rape cases to be filed and wrongful convictions—capital punishment for rape results in overburdening an already strained legal system. In order to systematically violence against women, the courts need a swift form of punishment. By heightening the punishment of these types of cases, the courts are delaying justice for the victims. Additionally, the pursuit of quick resolutions to satisfy public demand for justice can lead to rushed trials, which may undermine due process and increase the risk of wrongful convictions. Project 39-A conducted empirical research on the criminal justice system in India and found that convicts who are sentenced to death and who remain on death row are predominantly from poor and lower-caste communities, with little access to proper legal aid. Within the Indian legal system, public defenders are struggling to meet the requirements of this progressive law, and poor people are taking the blame for it. Before the court system passes progressive laws, it must enact reform within the present system so that this new legislation can be correctly put into practice.

What to Focus on Instead

Capital punishment exists in the Indian Penal Code, but studies have shown it is not an effective deterrent to violence against women. Madhya Pradesh had the highest number of death sentences awarded between 2016-2020 but remained one of the states with the highest number of rape cases in 2019. Additionally, women’s activists in India do not call on this type of reform and instead advocate for speedy trials, high conviction rates, and addressing systemic inequalities against women that lead to sexual violence against women. Kavita Krishnan, Secretary of the All India Progressive Women’s Association, argued that highly publicized executions of rape convicts result in more women being murdered to prevent them from surviving as witnesses. A 2021 study by Equality Now and Dignity Alliance International (DAI) found that rape survivors’ idea of justice does not include the death penalty.

The death penalty has been the center of a long-held debate; however, the idea that it is harmful is not a newfound discovery. Feminists in India maintain that capital punishment is dangerous for women and detracts attention from support services for women that encourage speaking up, counseling, and changing the current attitude towards women in society. This sentiment corroborates the 1977 US Supreme Court case, Coker v. Georgia, which argued that the death penalty for rape should be rejected as a remnant of an outdated, patriarchal system that treated women as the property of men requiring chivalric protection from men. This side has been around for a while, but it is now more relevant in terms of punishment for rape in South Asia.

Recommendations to Consider

Various studies accounts from survivors, and women’s rights organizations all contend that the death penalty is not an effective deterrent to rape. The death penalty is a cruel form of retributive justice that barely has a positive impact on victims or crime punishment. According to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the death penalty is a violation of the right to life. Instead of severe punishment, South Asian governments need to adopt a victim-centered approach to addressing rape and sexual violence. These alternatives involve strengthening legal protections for victims, providing access to victim advocates, enhancing the integrity of the criminal justice system, and offering public education on sexual violence along with training for the judiciary. Recognizing that criminal trials may not always bring the desired outcomes for victims or their families is essential in moving toward abolition and reducing reliance on the criminal justice system—including the death penalty—as the sole means of delivering justice. By addressing these systemic issues, we can bring about real change in the Indian government for all women in the country. This is certainly not a new conversation for advocates of women’s rights, but it is a conversation that needs to happen in order to enact substantive change. This is the first step to a long road of reeducation, raising awareness, and reframing the narrative. By taking these necessary steps, we can significantly curb the effects of violence against women around the world.

Marriage Trafficking in China Leads to Women in Chains

by Delisha Valacheril

Image 1. Image of wedding rings caught in handcuffs. Source: Yahoo Images

Chinese vlogger captured a horrific, viral video of a woman chained outside to a hut in January of 2022. This woman was mentally incapacitated and had been without clean water, food, and electricity for an extended time. Xiao Huamei had been taken from her home province of Yunnan and sold to a farmer in Jiangsu for 5,000 yuan – or $790 at the time. She managed to escape him only to be sold into marriage trafficking two more times. The last time occurred in June 1998, when Dong Zhimin bought Xiao Huamei and subsequently tortured her, forced her to bear children, and subjected her to barbaric conditions. At the hands of Dong Zhimin, her husband, she was forced to have eight children in nine years, the firstborn in 1999. From when she was sold in 1998 to when she was found in 2022, Xiao Huamei had been a victim of marriage trafficking for 24 years. Claiming she had schizophrenia, Dong Zhimin subjected her to inhumane treatment, such as chaining her up outside like a dog. Dong Zhimin was sentenced to only nine years in prison. Sentences for trafficking crimes are typically capped at ten years. This spurred public outrage online because many felt the punishment did not fit the crime. Ten years is not even enough time to conceive and carry eight children. This case raised awareness about the lack of reforms for marriage and human trafficking.

Image 2. Young Girls in Myanmar who are victims of marriage trafficking. Source: Yahoo Images.

What is marriage trafficking?

Marriage trafficking is an international problem that continues to grow and must be handled domestically. It is defined by the transfer or receipt of a person; the means may include deception, threats, or coercion, and the purpose may be sexual exploitation and/or servitude. Cases like Xiao Huamei’s are not isolated to domestic women because foreign women are also exploited and sold to Chinese men to be abused and breed children. Traffickers target vulnerable young women and children in their country as well as neighboring countries. Women in Myanmar, Cambodia, and Vietnam who are trying to flee political unrest and economic instability are highly exploited in this situation. V ulnerable, job-seeking women are tricked into entering the arrangement through a broker that is offering well-paying jobs across the job, thus meeting the criteria for an overt act of marriage trafficking. Traffickers smuggle these women in using coercion, violence, and threats. The process used to transport these women also constitutes human trafficking.

The prevalence of trafficking in China is exacerbated by the lack of accountability among government officials. Chinese officials have allegedly turned down the appeals of women who have been trafficked, held them for extended periods, deported them without their children, and, in certain instances, returned them to their husbands in exchange for bribes. Chinese authorities rarely, if ever, pursue prosecutions against marriage trafficking charges. It is difficult to investigate due to the underground, illicit nature of marriage trafficking. In China, marriages between foreign-born women are not usually officially registered, which leads to their children being lost in the system.

The intent behind this industry is apparent from the illicit means used to facilitate the business. The purpose of the financial transaction of young women and children to Chinese men as brides is to uphold cultural values of marriage, family, and children. Based on sociological exchange theory, women enter the relationship expecting stability and support that is gained from marriage, while the men enter the relationship expecting a personal benefit that is gained from maintaining the cultural values of marriage. Most of the time, traffickers promise a better future to young women seeking to better their situation. This is not always the case, but it is the case of Xiao Huamei and foreign brides who are trafficked for marriage. While they migrate voluntarily, knowing that they are to be married, they are also often times deceived or trapped in their situations. Forcing these women into marriage means exerting power and control over them. The exploitation of vulnerable women and lack of individual freedoms constitute these cases as marriage trafficking.

What is responsible for this?

Given China’s longstanding one-child policy with a preference for boys, broader socioeconomic and political factors drive the marriage trafficking illicit market. Due to this, China experiences a gender imbalance, with about 35 million more males than females. The lack of eligible brides creates a demand for the marriage trafficking illicit market. An estimated 7,400 women and girls were victims of marriage trafficking in the Yunnan Province along the border, which is where Xiao Huamei was from. In rural areas, the proportion of women in society has declined. Among them, more than 5,000 females were compelled to bear children with their Chinese spouses. Bride trafficking in China constitutes human trafficking because there is an overt act, a thorough process, and an intentional purpose behind it. China, with its vast population and growing economic and regional disparities, experiences nearly every manifestation of marriage trafficking.

Image 3. China’s President Xi Jinping. Source: Yahoo Images

What is China’s response?

Under Chinese law, people face more fines for selling parakeets, a protected species, than for selling women. The government realizes there is an issue, and they have pledged to crack down on the illicit industry. Chinese police arrested more than 1,300 people suspected of assisting in marriage trafficking. However, women are still trafficked from Cambodia, Myanmar, and Vietnam. There needs to be safe passage for refugees from these countries so they do not fall victim to trafficking schemes. Despite past efforts, ongoing commitment is needed to fulfill these pledges and protect vulnerable individuals. To combat marriage trafficking, China needs to enforce stricter laws around forced marriage, childbearing, and immigration.

Victims of marriage trafficking were 6.5 times more likely to experience intimate partner violence compared to women in autonomous marriages. They are 4.7 times more likely to suffer a miscarriage or stillbirth and 4.6 times more likely to suffer the death of at least one child. There are many more women like Xiao Huamei. To protect them, there needs to be active, continued efforts to educate society about the harmful consequences of marriage trafficking. Coordinated programs with neighboring countries to address cross-border cases of marriage trafficking are essential. Providing social services at risk of being trafficked and offering safe entry into China will significantly impact the illicit economy. By addressing marriage trafficking through these comprehensive strategies, we can shape a world where everyone has the freedom to choose whom they marry and live a life free from coercion and violence.

New Alabama Legislation Restricts Absentee Voting Infringing on Voting Rights

By Delisha Valacheril

Image 1: Absentee Ballot. Source: Yahoo Images

In the United States, the right to vote is heralded as a cornerstone of democracy, in which every citizen can access the ballot box. However, recent legislation in Alabama has cast a shadow over this fundamental right, prompting a fierce legal battle to uphold the principles of democracy and accessibility in the electoral process. Alabama Senate Bill SB1 imposes stringent restrictions on absentee ballot assistance. The new law imposes misdemeanor penalties for returning someone else’s ballot application or distributing an absentee ballot application containing a voter’s personal data, like their name. The payment of someone to distribute, order, collect, deliver, finish, or prefill another person’s absentee ballot application is a felony act that carries a maximum 20-year jail sentence. Aimed at combating “ballot harvesting,” a type of voter fraud that involves submitting completed ballots by third-party individuals rather than by voters themselves, the legislation criminalizes certain forms of aid provided to vulnerable voters, including the blind, disabled, and illiterate, who rely on assistance to exercise their constitutional right to vote. Extensive research, however, shows that voter impersonation is essentially nonexistent, fraud is extremely rare, and many purported cases of fraud are actually errors made by administrators or voters. The Brennan Center’s seminal report, The Truth About Voter Fraud, conclusively demonstrated that most allegations of fraud turn out to be baseless and that most of the few remaining allegations reveal irregularities and other forms of election misconduct.

Image 2: Voting Rights Act of 1965 plaque in Alabama. Source: Yahoo Images

Historical Context

The restrictions that accompany this new law not only infringe upon fundamental constitutional rights but also perpetuate a legacy of voter suppression that has long plagued Alabama’s electoral system. This has been rooted in the state’s constitution since 1901. When delegates gathered to rewrite the constitution, Chairman John Knox opened the proceedings, saying their goal was “to establish white supremacy in this state.” During Jim Crow segregation, Alabama implemented numerous laws and practices to disenfranchise Black voters. These discriminatory practices included poll taxes, literacy tests, and grandfather clauses, which limited Black people’s right to vote. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 was passed as a result of the first failed march for voting rights from Selma to Montgomery, which was called “Bloody Sunday” and concluded with an attack on protesters. There have been several instances in Alabama’s history that contributed to systemic voter suppression.

Since then, there have been various forms of voter disenfranchisement in terms of redistricting, strict voter ID laws, and lack of accessibility for absentee voting. In Alabama, absentee voting is allowed only with a specific excuse. Voters must expect to be away from their county on Election Day, have a physical disability, or be scheduled to work a shift of 10 or more hours on Election Day to request an absentee ballot. This policy is completely unnecessary and imposes outdated, inconvenient restrictions on eligible voters. The challenges faced by low-income individuals, rural communities, Black Alabamans, the elderly, and those with disabilities have only worsened as a result of Alabama’s inability to enact these reforms. The lack of accessibility in Alabama’s election system was not intended with these marginalized populations in mind.

Image 3: Disabled person waiting in line to vote. Source: Yahoo Images

Implications

SB1 adds to these restrictions because now people who have a valid excuse, such as a disability, are penalized for using absentee ballots. One of the law’s key provisions prohibits individuals from assisting others with absentee ballots, criminalizing acts as benign as providing a stamp or sticker to a neighbor in need. Due to restricted transit alternatives or physical disabilities, voting is already difficult for many residents, such as homebound individuals, retirees, and the elderly. This is designed with a blatant disregard for vulnerable voting groups under the pretense of preventing voter fraud. Allowing this form of blanket prohibition not only undermines the spirit of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which sought to remove barriers to voting for marginalized communities, but also stifles the efforts of grassroots organizations striving to empower voters.

Alabama’s law creates new hurdles to voting, escalates already-existing inequities, and criminalizes assistance that helps marginalized voters participate in the political process. Enacted amidst heightened partisan tension due to the 2024 presidential election, the law has sparked widespread condemnation from civil rights organizations and voting advocacy groups. The Alabama State Conference of the NAACP, the League of Women Voters, Greater Birmingham Ministries, and Alabama Disabilities Advocacy Program are A few years ago, a similar case was presented to the US Supreme Court, Milligan v. Allen, in which a coalition of civil rights organizations sued against the state’s enacted congressional redistricting, stating it was racial gerrymandering, the map-drawing process was intentionally used to benefit a particular race. The Court upheld the district court’s decision and required Alabama to create a second majority Black congressional district in compliance with Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act.

Image 4: Protest sign that urges for protecting voting rights. Source: Yahoo Images

Final Thoughts

This problem goes beyond party politics and touches on democracy. Regardless of circumstances, everyone deserves unrestricted access to the ballot box in a country built on equality and freedom. The court dispute is a harrowing reminder of the continuous fight to preserve voting rights and protect democratic principles for future generations as it plays out. SB1 perpetuates obstacles that Alabamians with disabilities, the elderly, and home-bound individuals encounter daily. These people oftentimes have to travel further, wait in longer lines, and jump through more bureaucratic hoops than other people. Absentee voting increases accessibility, allowing these voters’ voices to be heard. Restrictive legislation like this is designed to keep eligible voters out of the voting booth. Twenty-eight states already have no excuse for absentee voting in place for November. Criminalizing assistance that provides access to the voting process to others limits participation for Alabama’s most vulnerable citizens.

Voter fraud is wrong, but rather than enacting laws that will make it more difficult for millions of eligible Americans to exercise their right to vote, we should focus on finding answers to real issues. All Alabama citizens need to be able to vote in the November election, and they need to be able to trust the results. This can be achieved by countering the misinformation about mail-in/absentee voting. Instead of passing SB1, voters must appeal to Congress to supply the necessary funds to help states with less experience processing absentee ballots. Voter fraud is a serious issue; however, the right to vote is a Constitutional right enshrined in this country’s foundation. Before preventing any fraud, protecting all citizen’s right to vote should be paramount. Despite all the obstacles in this unprecedented moment, Americans will vote this year, possibly in record numbers. It’s not a matter of whether tens of millions will do so by mail but whether they will have their voices heard.

Rohingya Refugee Crisis Leads to Shifting Tide in Indonesia

by Delisha Valacheril

Figure 1 Displaced Rohingya at a refugee camp. Source: Yahoo Images

The Rohingya are survivors of atrocities committed by the government of Myanmar. Described as the most persecuted minority in the world by the United Nations, the Rohingya are the world’s largest stateless population. Under Myanmar’s Citizenship Law, the government has consistently denied citizenship to this group of people for decades. 135 distinct ethnic groups are recognized under the law, with Rohingya being one of the few exceptions. Without citizenship, they are deprived of basic rights such as access to health services, education, and employment. Forced to leave their homes and families, more than 730,000 fled to neighboring countries like Bangladesh or Indonesia. Approximately 600,000 still reside in Myanmar’s western Rakhine State. They are restricted to refugee camps and settlements where there is a severe lack of food, adequate healthcare, education, and livelihood opportunities. The long-lasting systemic abuses against the Rohingya at the hands of the Myanmar government are equivalent to crimes against humanity, deprivation of liberty, and even apartheid.

Who are the Rohingya?

The Rohingya are a Muslim ethnic group who have lived in the predominantly Buddhist region of the Rakhine State of Myanmar for generations. Since the government of Myanmar does not recognize them as an official ethnic group, during the conflict, authorities took over much of the former Rohingya land. Forced to flee their homeland, nearly a million Rohingya live in makeshift camps on the outskirts of civilizations. Despite being disenfranchised, refugees try to have a way of life, but the seasonal flooding and tropical storms endemic to safe haven regions like Bangladesh prevent them from doing so. Due to decades of state-sanctioned discrimination, repression, and violence, the Rohingya refugees cannot return to their homes either.

The remaining 600,000 Rohingya who have been arbitrarily detained in Myanmar endure even worse conditions with no agency or freedom. Of the 72,000 children who are confined to these detention sites, 40,000 were born into imprisonment, and it is all they have ever known. Access to indispensable necessities like clean water, enough food, and adequate housing is limited in this squalid, stateless purgatory. Military officials impose strict curfews, unnecessary checkpoints, and barbed wire fencing, significantly affecting the Rohingya population’s right to movement. This directly violates the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, respective of Article 13. By depriving this community of their civil liberties and development rights, such as freedom to movement, food, water, and housing, the government is hardening the barrier of segregation to marginalize them from society permanently.

Figure 2 Young girl holding a child in detention sites in Myanmar. Source: Yahoo Images

How did the crisis begin?

Presently, in Sittwe, a town that was once home to approximately 75,000 Rohingya residents before 2012—constituting nearly half of the town’s population—only 4,000 individuals remain. Anti-Muslim sentiments across Myanmar marked the onset of a period of heightened oppression of the Rohingya in both policy and actions. Article 3 of the 1982 Law, on the other hand, positions taing-yin-tha, national race, and identity as an ongoing basis for recognition of citizenship. This meant that national race trumps citizenship, so even though Rohingya were born and raised in Myanmar, they can be kicked out because they are not a part of the national race. This environment set the stage for more severe and organized military atrocities in 2016 and 2017. The largest exodus of refugees is marked by military attacks that occurred in August of 2017 that resulted in the massacre of thousands, villages burned to the ground, and the whole community displaced. The war crimes that occurred offer a clear warning of Myanmar’s military to carry out ethnic cleansing and the government to support the internment of the Rohingya people. The brutality that played out in the Rakhine State is on par with apartheid, persecution, and imprisonment.

Figure 3 Rohingya landing on the shores of Indonesia. Source: Yahoo Images

What is happening to Rohingya refugees in Indonesia right now?

Indonesia is turning away 150 Rohingya refugees from its shores because of local resentment about the arrival of boats carrying exhausted refugees. Due to the unending oppression in Myanmar and the growing risks of calamity in Bangladesh, refugees are now risking tumultuous sea voyages to seek refuge in neighboring countries like Indonesia. However, the growing influx of immigrants is a cause for concern for Indonesian residents. The Indonesian navy has intercepted a boat with Rohingya refugees as it neared the coast of Aceh. Aceh is the only state in the archipelago where 90 percent of the population follows Islamic law. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reported that since November 11 Rohingya boats have landed, and the refugees have relocated to informal sites, mainly in Aceh and one in North Sumatra. The attack on refugees is not an isolated incident but rather the consequence of an organized online campaign of misinformation, deception, and hate speech directed towards Rohingya.

In the escalation of hatred against the Rohingya, hundreds of students stormed a temporary Rohingya shelter in Indonesia’s western Aceh province, demanding their deportation. The students shouted and physically abused the migrants before forcing them onto trucks and transporting them to the government office responsible for immigration. Demands for relocation stem from local anger over the already limited resources that are overstretched to accommodate new arrivals. Residents do not want the refugees in their communities and have gathered to protest boat landings. The greater international pressure to provide fair asylum to Rohingya refugees is causing tensions to rise in Southeast Asian governments. It is unfair to expect these countries to deprive resources of their citizens instead of addressing the real issue.

What Can We Do?

The responsibility to end the worst forms of violence and persecution falls on the government of Myanmar. For instance, by cutting off the Myanmar military’s government funding, the revenue from the abusive operations can be allocated to the Rohingya people so they can finally experience justice.

The governments of Indonesia, Malaysia, and Bangladesh should pressure the government of Myanmar to be responsible for the genocide and displacement of the Rohingya people. By exerting the existing international obligations that require governments to take a number of actions to prevent and punish genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity, Myanmar will have to respond. It is a long road to repatriation, but placing pressure on governments and non-profit organizations ensures the onus falls on Myanmar to correct its wrongs.

The long-term root causes of the crisis must be addressed to quell the tide of hopelessness. However, until safe and dignified returns are guaranteed for Rohingya refugees, they will require emergency assistance in order to survive. Myanmar is strengthened as a state by its multi-ethnic, multi-religious makeup. With help from foreign governments and humanitarian aid, the Rohingya can work towards restoring their rights.

Brazil Decides in Landmark Court Case to Grant Land Rights to Indigenous

by Delisha Valacheril

Image 1. Indigenous Representatives Speaking with Local Leaders in Brazil. Source Flickr.

A jubilant celebration of color erupted as several indigenous leaders and activists gathered outside the courthouse adorned in tribal wear and brilliant headdresses to rejoice in the top court’s decision to rule in favor of their land rights. Dubbed the “trial of the century,” Brazil’s Supreme Court decided against a so-called cutoff date restricting Indigenous people’s claims to their traditional lands. Demarcation of ancestral lands is essential in preserving Indigenous human rights. By protecting these lands, indigenous communities can aid in conservation and preserve their cultural integrity. It is reported that 29% of the territory around indigenous lands in Brazil has been deforested, according to the Amazon Environmental Research Institute (Ipam). Now that the native people can access their roots, they can help preserve what is left. This decision also provides legal ramifications against land poaching or exploitation, which applies to several indigenous areas throughout the Amazon. Addressing historical injustices is a crucial step to ensuring that these communities can enjoy a more equitable and sustainable future.

Image 2. Tribal Chief at Land Protest. Source Flicker.

Context

On September 21^st, the Federal Supreme Court had to decide whether or not the native people’s right to their territories predated the Constitution of Brazil formulated in 1988. The Justices followed the precedent set up by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, which states that the right continues as long as their “material, cultural, or spiritual connection” with the land persists. This case has been brewing in the nation for quite some time. The dispute stems from Santa Catarina’s legal battle against the Ibirama-La Klãnõ Indigenous Land. The Xokleng tribe sought to regain their ancestral land from the state of Santa Catarina. The state used the “Marco Temporal” legal argument, which prohibited Indigenous Peoples who were not living on the land when Brazil’s current constitution was enacted in 1988 to apply for land demarcation. This is gravely prejudicial, given a significant part of the indigenous population was expelled and displaced during Brazil’s two decades of military dictatorship. Numerous tribal communities were killed and displaced due to that repressive system, which included the invasion of land, forced labor, displacement, and other human rights violations.

With this in mind, hundreds of activists have flocked to the capital, demanding respect for the rights that were stolen from them. These activists advocate for land traditionally occupied by indigenous people to be reserved for their perpetual possession. They are the natural owners of the land, so it should belong to them. They also argue that the natives can conserve the land much better than the local government. Traditional habits and customs of the indigenous are the most significant deterrent to deforestation. However, there are some critical opponents to this viewpoint. Individuals involved in the agribusiness sector and those on the far right are stronger than ever in National Congress, upholding the time limit principle. This decision opposes their farming interests because they want that land to grow their business. Currently, Indigenous reservations cover 11.6% of Brazil’s territory, notably in the Amazon. This area is rich in biodiversity, making it ideal for agricultural commodities. However, ruling against business interests could exacerbate violence against Indigenous peoples and escalate conflicts in the rainforest.

Image 3. Indigenous People Protesting Brazil Government. Source Flickr.

Historical Significance

The Xokleng, the tribe responsible for taking this case to the highest court in the country, was nearly wiped out by Italian settlers who were granted “uninhabited” land in the State of Santa Catarina by the Brazilian government during the 20th century. They were pursued by “bugreiros,” or hired hunters, who were sent into the forest to hunt down and exterminate the Amazon’s native inhabitants. After that mass extermination, how can the government uphold such a discriminatory precedent? The Xokleng are the rightful owners of the land because the Brazilian government forcibly removed them. Marco Temporal is a complete infringement on human rights. The tribe was almost decimated in the 1900s, and the law stated indigenous people living on the land past 1988 had a right to the land. Examining this from a historical viewpoint further illuminates the egregiousness of the situation. The Supreme Court of Brazil found this law inherently unfair because the same government that invaded indigenous lands could not decide on the legality of their land rights.

Conclusion

While this is a historic milestone for indigenous communities, the work is not over. Though land demarcation is critical in the pursuit to secure the rights of Indigenous Peoples, it does not, by itself, sufficiently protect ancestral land. We must hold the government accountable to implement an active, systemic policy that enshrines Indigenous rights from violence, especially violence committed by anyone who illegally trespasses into their territory. Additionally, they must have unhindered access to their territories. From a human rights standpoint, defending indigenous rights is critical because it resolves past wrongs, assures access to necessities, fights discrimination, and upholds justice, equality, and respect for the dignity of all people and communities.

Deadly Earthquake in Afghanistan Magnifies Gender Apartheid Under Taliban Control

by Delisha Valacheril

Image 1. Afghan Man standing in the rumble caused by an earthquake. Source: Flickr

The ongoing humanitarian crises as a result of the Taliban, an Islamic fundamentalist group, regaining control of Afghanistan have been exacerbated since the devasting earthquake hit the country, with women and children bearing the brunt of the struggle. The Herat province has been shaken by two 6.3-magnitude earthquakes in just five days, with at least 1,482 people killed, another 2,100 have been injured, and an estimated 114,000 people need humanitarian assistance. The detrimental aftermath has been felt by everyone in the country, especially women and children, since they encompass 90% of those killed. With homes demolished and livelihoods lost, obtaining humanitarian aid is of the utmost importance. However, women across the country are struggling to gain assistance due to the numerous human rights violations against them in Afghanistan. Women and children are the most affected when natural disasters strike, but they are often the least considered in the response and recovery process. With the death toll mainly comprised of this vulnerable population coupled with the existing humanitarian crises, the situation in Afghanistan is grave for the young women and children survivors.

Image 2 Afghani Women fully covered in accordance with Taliban rule. Source Flickr.

Humanitarian Crisis

It is not just women who are suffering under Taliban rule; everyone is. The UNDP reports that the Taliban’s rule has also erased the Afghans’ standards of life. Since the takeover, the economy has collapsed by up to 30%, and there have been an estimated 700,000 job losses. Over 90% of people have experienced food insecurity in one way or another. The situation in Afghanistan remains precarious and uncertain, and the earthquake has only exacerbated this.

To provide context for the Taliban’s gender apartheid in Afghanistan, a proper foundation must be laid. In 2021, after the US withdrew troops from Afghanistan, the extremist group rose to power and established itself as the sole authority. Since resuming their regime, they have implemented restrictive, discriminatory practices against women. Women have been banned from attending and tutoring at universities, women cannot work, and most girls cannot attend secondary school. These Taliban-imposed constraints have left women and girls increasingly confined to their homes, which is why they suffered the most from the natural disaster. Even when women are allowed to go outside, they must comply with the strictly enforced dress code that requires them to be fully covered, and on top of that, they must be accompanied by a male chaperone.

Image 3 Children in a refuge shelter in Afghanistan. Source Flickr.

What’s Currently Going On

Considering the plight women have to endure under this restrictive government, it has been extremely difficult for aid to reach these vulnerable communities. An obstacle women must overcome to get relief is they must have a male relative’s tazkera, a national identity card. Since there is an absence of women working at the distribution center, many women cannot obtain humanitarian aid if they don’t have male relatives who can access it on their behalf. They also need to adorn the Islamic hijab so they can dress appropriately to access services and relief. This natural disaster has decimated homes, destroyed families, and left many to grieve their loss alone. How can the government discriminate and impose restrictions on who can receive aid in a time of crisis? After losing their husbands, fathers, and sons to this calamity, what are women supposed to do? Is there life meaningless without a male associated with it? Are they not worthy of aid from Afghanistan’s government?

Sonita Bahram, who is part of a team providing medical assistance to survivors, recounts the hardships women have had to withstand during these trying times. “I saw dozens of women and girls each day, and I can tell you that 99.9% of them were suffering from some sort of psychological trauma,” she said. Bahram narrates how women who have lost their homes, some of them their entire families, now have to work together to exist. Survivors seek refuge in the sea of tents that now stand in the rubble of Afghanistan’s towns and cities. Women are tying tattered blankets and even their headscarves to construct some semblance of privacy. On top of the mental stress and trauma that these women have had to endure from their daily home lives, these devasting earthquakes add significantly to their worries.

Significance

Conflict, food insecurity, drought, displacement, and poverty were already prevalent among the women and children of Afghanistan, but since the deadly earthquake, the government has continued to marginalize this group. The obstacles Afghani women have to overcome to receive aid are egregious; the treatment of women survivors has been abysmal, and they make up the majority of the fatalities. The humanitarian crisis involving women’s rights has been festering for a long time in the country, but this catastrophe has only inflated the concerns and hardships of the minority group. The severity of this issue has reached a global extent, with international relief centers and governments limiting humanitarian help to Afghanistan since the Taliban took power because of the government’s flagrant breaches of human rights, especially those committed against women and girls. This is harmful to the women and children of Afghanistan because they are the ones in dire need. It is important to support and donate to NGOs that are providing aid. UNICEF has launched a $20 million appeal to support 96,000 children affected by the earthquake. Life USA is pledging funds to provide emergency relief to the survivors. 2023 Afghanistan Earthquake Relief is also a great organization committed to doing beneficial work. By supporting these organizations, we can help the women and children of Afghanistan even if their government chooses not to.

Lifesaving Aid Delayed In the Wake of Morocco’s Catastrophic Earthquake

Image 1 – Source: Yahoo Images; An image of collapsed building as a result of earthquake

A devasting, 6.8 on the Richter scale, earthquake hit the North African nation late Friday, killing at least 2,886 people and injuring 2,562. The earthquake struck the High Atlas Mountain range ripping through the small villages and the center of Marrakech. Rescue operations are still taking place, as there are many people crushed under the remains of Al Haouz, where the quake was most devastating. Every minute counts in the search for survivors, yet the Moroccan government is selective with which countries they accept. France was left out of Morocco’s decision to accept aid from the UK, Spain, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates. When the death toll continues to rise and the city turns to rubble, why is Morocco declining French assistance in disaster relief? Analyzing recent tensions between Morocco and France, it is apparent that the strained relationship between the two countries is the contributing factor to the refusal of aid during this dire time of need. Major humanitarian crises like this are supposed to be a chance to bridge the divide between nations, but they can also be an opportunity that is overlooked.

Image 2 – Source: Yahoo Images; An image of survivors going through the rubble.

Context

The controversy between Morocco and France has its roots in historical, political, and diplomatic factors. Originally, Morocco was a French protectorate from 1912 to 1956, and then in 1956 the country gained its independence. Therefore, there is a significant Moroccan diaspora in France which is why the government pledged 5 million euros to help with aid. Additionally, four French residents died in the earthquake. However, one topic of contention between the two is the sovereign claim over the Western Sahara. Morocco recognizes the West Sahara as part of their country, but France refuses to acknowledge that. Back in 2021, France went on the offensive against migrants from Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia, threatening to cut off their visas unless they agreed to accept back migrants. The aforementioned nations took that as a sign of shame. These controversies, compounded with the government’s decision to reject French assistance, are indicative of the icy diplomatic relations between President Emmanuel Macron and King Mohammed VI. Despite the King being in France when the quake hit, no attempts were made to resolve the tension.

Image 3 – Source: Yahoo Images; An image of rescue operations after earthquake.

Significance

Morocco’s reluctance to accept aid is baffling global aid groups. Time is the most precious resource when it comes to disaster relief. By refusing the French, the Moroccan government is taking precious time away from the survivors of this devasting earthquake. Especially since France is known for being an expert in disaster relief, they have the resources to mobilize coordinated rescue operations on the ground. In the wake of this horrible humanitarian crisis, the focus should be on helping the suffering, not balancing adverse international relations. This decision made by the Moroccan government is actually hurting its people. That aid could be used to reach parts of the village that are not accessible due to the vast destruction. The increased delays have resulted in families digging themselves out of the debris. In addition, the government has been dubiously quiet about the severity of the crisis. Instead of making a broad appeal for help, Morocco is limiting foreign aid. For this to be the strongest earthquake to hit the country in over a century, the government is keen to downplay the seriousness of the situation and provide inadequate resources. Therefore, the catastrophe response promotes the notion that the administration is indifferent to the plight of the people in the impoverished mountain towns shaken by the quake, rather preferring wealthy metropolitan inhabitants and foreign tourists. With lives lost and homes destroyed, now is not the time for petty politics, but rather a chance to come together in a time of need.

Libya Flood Relief

The case of Libya’s flood is another case where relief efforts are hindered by political complications in North Africa. More than 5,300 people were killed and 10,000 are missing in Libya when a storm caused rivers and dams to breach. Storm Daniel wreaked havoc on Libya’s eastern port city of Derna, virtually flattening it. The Morocco quake and the Libya have resulted in 8,000 dead and significantly more injured or missing. Both devastated communities have waited for days for aid, frequently digging out and burying their dead with little to no help from their governments. Some of the delays can be attributed to damaged infrastructure; however, the main impediment, though, is politics. It seems that the immediate aftermath of a natural disaster qualifies as a moment for political differences to be put aside. The delays in receiving aid in Morocco and Libya, one nation perceived as the bedrock of stability in the region and the other torn apart by conflict and governed by rival governments, show how difficult it is to separate political concerns from humanitarian help. Despite the stark differences between the two, both are in the same predicament. Both governments need to accept responsibility and make a coordinated effort to provide aid to the citizens of their respective countries.

Uganda’s Anti-Homosexuality Bill Sentences People to Death for Being Gay

Uganda has a controversial history regarding its stance on homosexuality. In 2014, the country passed the Anti-Homosexuality Act, which imposed harsh penalties on individuals engaging in same-sex activity, including life imprisonment for “aggravated homosexuality.” The law also criminalized the promotion of homosexuality and made it a crime to not report homosexual activity to authorities. Recently, policymakers in Uganda have proposed new legislation that would prohibit even identifying as LGBTQ. Parliament passed the new bill in order to crack down on homosexual activities. Gay people living in Uganda face life in prison and even the death penalty. The proposed bill has been widely criticized by human rights organizations, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, as well as many countries around the world. The international community has called on Uganda to respect the human rights of LGBTQ individuals and to repeal the proposed legislation.

Criminalization of Homosexuality

Violations include “aggravated” homosexuality which involves gay sex with people under 18 years old or when a person is HIV positive, according to the law. The penalties are significantly steep resulting in death penalty. Failure to report homosexuality is a crime. As well as making merely identifying as gay illegal for the first time, friends, family and members of the community would have a duty to report individuals in same-sex relationships to the authorities. It bans media from publishing queer advocacy or promoting homosexuality. People found guilty of “grooming” children for purposes of engaging them in homosexual activities face life in prison. This can include discussing sexuality in classrooms or teaching about same sex relations in sexual education courses.

Impact on Society

The deeply regressive bill endangers gay people who live in Uganda and will have negative repercussions in society. The UN’s High Commissioner for Human Rights urged Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni not to sign the bill calling the Anti Homosexuality Bill 2023 “draconian”. The passing of this extremely discriminatory policy will result in families betraying their own, friends turning in friends, and communities turning their back on the LGBTQ. There will be severe psychological and mental effects for queer people in Uganda. They are condemned for simply existing. Legislation like this will only grow the anti-gay sentiment in Uganda making it much more difficult for change. The anti-gay bill will damage Uganda’s international reputation, leading to criticism from the international community and the potential for economic sanctions and aid cuts. The bill has been condemned by many western countries and organizations, including the United States and the United Nations. Overall, the anti-gay bill has had a devastating impact on Uganda’s LGBTQ community, civil society, and international reputation, and has further entrenched discrimination and violence against marginalized groups in the country.

What Can We Do

There are several strategies that can be employed to prevent anti-gay attitudes and actions in Uganda. To start, we must continue to support and organize with LGBTQ organizations in Uganda as well as globally. Education and awareness is key. Activists and advocacy groups can target awareness campaigns in schools, universities, and community centers. However, this is not possible without our continues support. NGOs to look into are Sexual Minorities Uganda (SMUG), the United Nations, and Human Rights Watch. The international community can exert pressure on the Ugandan government to promote LGBTQ+ rights and to repeal discriminatory laws. This can include diplomatic pressure, economic sanctions, and other measures. They can also foster support networks and safe spaces for LGBTQ+ individuals to provide them with a sense of community as well as a means of protection against discrimination and violence.