Karoshi: The Problems with Japan’s Work Culture

A colorful, busy street in Osaka, Japan.
Image 1: Dotonbori Street in Osaka, Japan, Source: Yahoo Images

Japan is famous for its blend of traditional and modern customs, rich culture, and revolutionized technologies. The country has drawn in millions of foreign nationals for its high quality of life, safety, and efficient public transport—but perhaps especially for its employment opportunities.

About 3% of Japan’s workforce consists of foreign workers, having quadrupled in the past 15 years to 2.05 million. On the other hand, Japan’s population has been shrinking, with a steadily declining birth rate and rapid aging. There are many proposed causes for this crisis, including dwindling marriage rates, but it is worth noting the socioeconomic pressures that stem from high living costs, unfavorable job prospects, and a rigid corporate environment.

The labor shortage that Japan faces poses a major threat to its economy—and its historically unforgiving work culture likely plays a big role.

Work Culture in Japan

Work is a highly valued aspect of life in Japan, and with it comes the concept of company loyalty. This can be demonstrated by working many hours overtime; these hours are expected and sometimes even contracted. According to data by Japan’s health ministry, 10.1% of men and 4.2% of women worked over sixty hours a week in 2022.

Tim Craig, a researcher of Japanese culture, said that there is a certain social pressure associated with working overtime hours: “If they go home early, then their colleagues will (a) look askance at them, and (b) have to work more to cover for them. Either way, it’s not a good feeling.”

While Japan’s 2018 Workstyle Reform Act outlawed working more than 45 hours of overtime in a single month, it’s not uncommon for companies to force their employees to hide their true working hours or for employees to even do so of their own accord.

Additionally, only 7% of companies give their employees the legally mandated one day off per week. Japan has been trying to push a four-day work week since 2021, but it will take much more to entirely dismantle the deep-rooted idea that employees must give all of themselves to their company in order to thrive—Panasonic, one of the country’s leading companies, offered the option to 63,000 employees, and only 150 opted in.

A man asleep in a chair in an empty subway stop.
Image 2: A man asleep in a subway station, Source: Yahoo Images

Some companies employ shady business practices, operating what lawyers and academics call a “bait-and-switch” policy: employers will advertise a seemingly normal full-time position with reasonable working hours. The prospective employee is then offered a non-regular contract with longer hours and no overtime pay. If the employee refuses the job, companies might tell them that they will be given regular contracts after around six months. Younger applicants and women are particularly vulnerable due to a lack of experience or settling while trying to re-enter the workforce.

Another common issue is power harassment, which a reported third of the workforce has experienced. This is a common form of workplace harassment that has garnered attention across the past several decades and specifically involves someone in a higher position of power bullying a lower-ranking employee.

In 2020, the Power Harassment Prevention Act took effect, which outlines six types of power harassment, requires companies to take proper action against allegations of harassment, and ensures that workers aren’t dismissed for submitting complaints. However, Nikkei Asia reported in 2021 that complaints about workplace abuse had climbed to 88,000 cases a year, more than tripling in the past 15 years.

While these circumstances are not specific to Japan, they have certainly contributed to a phenomenon that was first identified there: karoshi, or death by overworking.

The History of Karoshi

Karoshi was first recognized in the 1970s and is a sociomedical term used to refer to fatalities or disabilities caused by cardiovascular attacks that are ultimately work-related. This includes strokes, cardiac arrest, and myocardial infarctions. The International Labour Organization’s case study into the phenomenon outlines the following typical case of karoshi: “Mr. A worked at a major snack food processing company for as long as 110 hours a week (not a month) and died from a heart attack at the age of 34. His death was approved as work-related by the Labour Standards Office.”

Related to karoshi is karojisatsu, which is suicide from overwork and stressful working conditions. This issue became prominent in the late 1980s—an economic recession during that decade forced employees who had managed to keep their jobs to work harder for longer hours to compensate.

Factors like repetitive tasks, interpersonal conflicts, inadequate rewards, employment insecurity, inability to meet company goals, forced resignation, and bullying create a psychological burden that has led countless workers to take their own lives. Japan’s white paper report revealed that in 2022, 2,968 people died by suicide linked to karoshi, an increase from 1,935 in 2021.

Hiroshi Kawahito, a workplace accident lawyer, told the Pulitzer Center in 2023 that he has worked on around 1,000 cases of karoshi during a 45-year-period, and despite repeated efforts by the Japanese government to combat suicide rates, he has not identified a significant change in the number of cases.

A group of Japanese citizens protesting karoshi on a street in Tokyo.
Image 3: A “No More Karoshi” protest in Tokyo in 2018, Source: Yahoo Images

He did note two concerning shifts over the course of his career: that karoshi-related suicide has become more common than cardiovascular attack, and that about 20% of his cases are now women, as they have begun to enter the workforce and experience sexual harassment at an overwhelming rate compared to their male counterparts.

A recent case of Kawahito’s from September 2023 involves the suicide of a 25-year-old actress from the musical theater company Takarazuka Revue, who was overworked and bullied by senior members. She logged a total of 437 hours in the final month of her life, of which 277 were overtime.

According to Kawahito, the actress worked without any days off for a month and a half and barely slept more than a few hours a night. Two years earlier, she suffered burns when a senior member pressed a hair iron against her forehead and faced immense pressure from the company. Kawahito claimed that “excessive work and power harassment damaged her physical and mental health, leading to her suicide.”

Governmental Response

Suicide was considered a taboo topic in Japan for decades; families affected were left with no outlet to cope with their loss. However, in 2006, more than 100,000 signatures were collected to push for legislation on suicide prevention, which led to The Basic Act of Suicide Countermeasures that went into effect the same year.

This act takes a three-pronged approach: social systems, local cooperation, and personal support creating relevant laws like the Act on Mental Health and Welfare. It provides support via relevant agencies at local and community levels, including hotlines and consultation services.

In 2016, the Basic Act was amended to require all prefectures and municipalities to establish local suicide prevention plans based on regional data collected by the National Police Agency. The General Principles of the Basic Act are also updated every five years to reflect current trends in suicide data.

The Work Style Reform Act of 2018 aims to promote a healthier work environment, setting overtime limits and establishing paid annual leave, as well as offering free consulting services and subsidies from the labor ministry. This has motivated the push for the four-day workweek, part of the ministry’s “innovating how we work” campaign.

Change might happen slowly in a society where values surrounding dedication and sacrifice are so deeply ingrained in its working population, but it is happening; between 2006 and 2022, the suicide rate has fallen by more than 35%. Efforts by the government to deter karoshi and combat the falling birth rate are in full swing and hope for a better future in Japan is still on the horizon.

China: Violations of Freedom of Expression, Speech, and Peaceful Assembly

China's flag in front of the Great Wall of China.
Image 1: China’s flag in front of the Great Wall of China. Source: Yahoo Image.

Thousands of miles away, activists for basic human rights sit in prison cells. Most await punishments that far exceed the crime. In China, heavy prison sentences weigh on the shoulders of its brightest human rights activists, scholars, and lawyers. 

According to Amnesty International, freedom of expression and speech is having the right to say what you believe and to call for a better world. To express your freedom of speech is to be able to openly, and without consequences, critique those in power. The United Nations (UN) states that the right to peaceful assembly is the right to hold peaceful gatherings, sit-ins, rallies, and protests without fearing repercussions. 

Who are They? And What Does the Law Say?

Protesters in Qidong, China.
Image 2: Protesters in Qidong, China. Source: Yahoo Image.

Human rights lawyer, Ding Jiaxi, has been imprisoned since December 2019 for subversion of state power. Also arrested for subversion of state power was Xu Zhiyong, a legal scholar.

Ding Jiaxi and Xu Zhiyong are members of the New Citizens’ Movement, a group of activists dedicated to creating a better China. Xu and Ding co-created the movement back in 2012 in order to shed light on government corruption. After a meeting with the activist movement in December 2019 in a Chinese city called Xiamen, multiple members were arrested. As a result of their critique of the Chinese government’s handling of the coronavirus, Xue Zhiyong and Ding Jiaxi were charged with “subversion of state power.” Both have been imprisoned, with sources saying that they have been subjected to various forms of torture. 

By examining China’s laws regarding freedom of press and expression, a clearer understanding of the regulations that restrict the people of China is achieved. The State Council of the People’s Republic of China Article 5 states that the government must protect their citizens’ right to freedom of press so long as they do not criticize the basic principles of the constitution. Citizens must abide by certain regulations put into place of what they can and cannot publish. In support, Article 26 outlines specific regulations such as, no publication shall oppose basic principles and shall not endanger the unification, sovereignty and integrity of the State. 

How then, can a people that are restricted from criticizing their own government be considered free?  In 1989, Tiananmen Square became a testament to just how far the Chinese government was willing to go to suppress its citizens dissent. 

Tiananmen Square History and Influence of Chinese Activist

Man standing in front of military tanks.
Image 3: A  man standing in front of military tanks at Tiananmen Square. Source: Yahoo Image.

During the month of April, in 1989, a peaceful gathering to mourn Hu Yaobang, a liberal Communist Party member, took place in Beijing at Tiananmen Square. The gathering calmly turned into demonstrations that called for the abrupt end of corruption in the Chinese government. An estimated one million people joined in to peacefully protest their grievances. 

In response, Martial Law was enforced and thousands of troops were released upon the protesters. They opened fire on those gathered and plowed through the crowds with military tanks. To this day, the Chinese government refuses to release any new information regarding the massacre. This event is prohibited from being spoken about or commemorated in China and Hong Kong.  

The total number of deaths is unknown in China’s attempt to purge the memory of Tiananmen Square from history. The event is censored; families have been unable to mourn or acknowledge their loved ones. People are forced to forget, and the truth is neglected from the knowledge of a new generation.  

Zhou Fengsuo is the Executive Director of Human Rights in China and was also a student leader at the 1989 Tiananmen Square Massacre. What was supposed to be a peaceful demonstration turned into a horrific bloodbath. Zhou was there when his peers were shot down in front of him. His eyes are a witness to military tanks and tear gas being used as a means to end the uproar. In his testimony Zhou wrote, “The scene was that of a war zone; a war conducted by the CCP’s army against the Chinese people.” Zhou calls out on foreign governments to take a firmer stance on China’s violation of human rights. 

Activists Imprisonment of Chinese and Hong Kong Human Rights Activist

Large group of protesters at Hong Kong protest.
Image 4: Large group of protesters at Hong Kong protest. Source: Yahoo Image.

Xu Zhiyong writes in his book, A Beautiful China -Thirteen-The Citizens Movement, about his vision for China. In his writings, he talks of a better China; one that is accomplished through peaceful protest and nonviolence. He says, “We are all Chinese, and we will build a beautiful China together in the future.” Throughout his collection of twenty-four essays he repeatedly reiterates the importance of unity.  

To be a true citizen is to have basic rights. Xu writes that when they have the right to vote and to speak freely they will be true citizens. People that are free are ones that can openly and without fear criticize their governments. In A Beautiful China Xu says, “Amid the absurd, we stick to the truth; amidst evil, we hold fast to our conscience; in the darkness, we create light.” Many Chinese and Hong Kong activists are dedicated to changing their governments. 

After being handed over to China in 1997, Hong Kong was promised fifty years with their independent government. Halfway through their allotted time, Beijing implemented a law that gave them further influence in Hong Kong. As of 2020, the new law in Hong Kong, known as the National Security Law (NSL), was passed. This law has since then increased prison sentences and allowed for extreme censorship. 

Chow Hang-tung and Jimmy Lai are both Hong Kong activists. Jimmy Lai was arrested for “colluding with foreign forces” and sedition. His newspaper, Apple Daily, which advocated for human rights such as freedom of expression and speech, was later closed down in June 2021. He has been held in solitary confinement awaiting his trial to resume in November 2024. Lai is 76 years old and only gets around 50 minutes of time outside a day. Chow Hang-tung was arrested after attending a vigil for the Tiananmen Square Massacre. She was imprisoned for 22 months and faces possible imprisonment again for 10 years or more. The new National Security Law states that she was “inciting subversion.” She has also been subjected to solitary confinement. 

Chow Hang-tung, Ding Jiaxi, and Jimmy Lai have been considered by Amnesty International to be prisoners of conscience. A prisoner of conscience is someone imprisoned because of political, social, religious, or other personal beliefs. 

Conclusion: What is China’s Response? What is the Global Reaction?

The United Nation Human Rights Council accepted China’s report on their Human Rights achievement for the 56th Universal Periodic Review (UPR). While multiple activists remain imprisoned in solitary confinement, Chinese Daily flaunts the approval given to them for their advanced improvements in Human Rights by countries like Russia, Algeria, and Venezuela. Chinese Daily said,  “China welcomes and remains open to all constructive suggestions that are proposed in good faith to help it improve its human rights conditions.” This seems to be the case so long as the criticism and call for improvements, recognition, and change do not come from Chinese or Hong Kong citizens. 

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, continue to call for the release of activists Jimmy Lai, Chow Hang-tung, Ding Jiaxi, and Xu Zhiyong. Activists like Zhou Fengsuo, who has been advocating for change in China for many years, will continue the fight for human rights. It is through them that freedom will be achieved. 

 

Buscadoras: Women Searching for the Disappeared in Latin America’s Enforced Disappearance

After 3 years of searching, Yanette Bautista finally reunited with her disappeared sister. In the outskirts of Bogota, Colombia, buried under NN (No Name), using the same dress and jacket she was last seen wearing, the body of Nydia Erika Bautista was found. After a witness from the Colombian military confessed and tipped off the location of the body, Yanette, her lawyer, and a forensics expert were able to dig up Nydia’s remains. 

The Bautistas are one of the many direct and indirect victims of enforced disappearances in Latin America. To this day, thousands of people continue to be missing, and their loved ones continue their search, hoping to one day end their anguish and bring justice. 

people wearing masks that say "Where are they?"
Image 1: People wearing masks that say, “Where are they?” Source: Yahoo Images.

 

[Image 2] The Search Commision and the organization "Buscando Hasta Encontrarte" (Searching until I Found You) signed a covenant to strenghten searches. Source: Yahoo Images.
Image 2: The Search Commission and the “Searching Until I Found You” organization signed a covenant to strengthen search efforts. Source: Yahoo Images.

Enforced disappearances overview 

Enforced disappearances are the arrest or abduction by state authorities or political organizations. In these cases, perpetrators deny any involvement or refuse to reveal the victims’ location with the intend of keeping them out of the protection of the law. Enforced disappearances violate fundamental rights, including personal liberty, protection from torture, and access to a fair trial. The International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances was established in response to these grave violations. This convention is upheld by the Committee on Enforced Disappearances (CED) and the Working Group on Enforced Disappearances (WGEID), whose roles are to: 

  • Ensure state compliance,
  • carry out investigations to locate victims and hold perpetrators accountable, and
  • provide reparations and support to affected families.

Enforced disappearances are widely spread in the Americas, linked to the proliferation of violent nonstate actors —gangs, cartels, armed groups—and serving as tools of state control. These disappearances have waves of repercussions, from the fear experienced by the victims to the sadness and uncertainty of their loved ones. Often testing the competency and efficiency of authorities, these disappearances force families to undertake searches when official investigations fail. Most victims of enforced disappearances are men, leading women and children to become the providers or breadwinners. The families, then, have great financial burdens and are more vulnerable to abduction due to their relations with disappeared family members, their role as witnesses and human rights activists, and their “defiance” of societal rules. 

The work of women searchers 

Despite having a target on their backs, women lead the search efforts for their loved ones, forming groups dedicated to collaboratively searching. They unite forces and resources to bring justice to their families. In the past, women-led collectives have done great work for the disappeared. Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo in Argentina and Chilean women of Calama are examples. These collectives deal with the disappearances that occurred during dictatorships or government regimes and the relocation of family members.

Nowadays, social media plays a crucial role in search efforts for missing persons. In Guanajuato, Mexico, the group Hasta Encontrarte (Until I Found You) uses its Facebook page to share information about missing individuals and mobilize support for their recovery. Beyond social media, organizations like The Nydia Erika Bautista Foundation, created by Yanette Bautista, provide legal support to families. This foundation documents the stories of the disappeared and offers leadership training through schools across Colombia to empower families and advocates.  

[Image 3] The Nydia Erika Foundation. Source: Yahoo images.
Image 3: The Nydia Erika Bautista Foundation. Source: Yahoo images.

How are women searchers affected? 

Although collectives have the urgency and willingness, they face the financial burden of searching. Transportation, gas, food, water, lodging accommodations, tents, and coal may be required depending on location. Luckily, they collect money by organizing raffles and sales while receiving company donations. However, some governments, like the Mexican administration, have recently passed legislation that makes registration of collectives stricter and the reception of donations more difficult. 

What’s more, families may also be vulnerable to scams. American Spanish-language news outlet Univision News reported that activists in Mexico denounced groups that charge $29 to $147 per week (500-3,000 Mexican pesos). They take advantage of how desperate the families are to create a business. Unfortunately, families may find these scamming groups before they come across better-established collectives without fees. Being scammed amid the despair of a disappearance further affects the families’ finances and their mental health. 

Besides the financial aspect, women searchers face other obstacles. Amnesty International research reveals that the state and non-state actors can utilize their influence over the criminal system to open arbitrary and sometimes illegal criminal investigations against them. They may also stop the police from investigating accordingly. What’s more, societal stereotypes often blame mothers for “not keeping their children safe” or “not doing their job as mothers.” Comments like this spread guilt among mothers looking for their children. Women searchers, like human rights activists, are subject to threats and attacks, particularly in Honduras, Mexico, Colombia, and Brazil. They are vulnerable to gender-based violence, especially the sexual kind. 

In Mexico, Teresa Magueyal, a member of the group Una Promesa Por Cumplir (A Promise to Fulfill), was searching for her son, José, who disappeared in 2020. Teresa was killed three years later in the same town. Two months later, Catalina Vargas, another activist member of the Collective United for the Disappeared in Leon, also disappeared. In August of 2022, activist Rosario Rodriguez was kidnapped by an armed group after a mass in honor of her disappeared son. Her youngest son called the authorities right away, but nothing was done. She was found dead a day later.   

For more stories, check out the story of the Barajas Piña family, or listen to the “Hasta Encontrarte | Until I Found You” podcast on Spotify and Apple Music. 

[Image 4] Protests against the high women homicide rates in Mexico. Source: Yahoo Images.
Image 4: A protest against the high women’s homicide rates in Mexico. Source: Yahoo Images.

The future of women searchers 

While much progress remains to be made, important steps are underway to promote women’s safety in search efforts. The National Human Rights Commission has urged states to protect searchers, recognizing them as human rights defenders. In early 2024, Colombia passed the Proyecto de Ley (Project of Law), which aims to guard the rights of women searchers, acknowledging them as peacebuilders and individuals requiring special protection. Additionally, Amnesty International recently launched its #SearchingWithoutFear campaign to establish searching as a right that the state must protect. These initiatives highlight the vital contributions of women searchers and open the doors to developing stronger legal frameworks to ensure their safety. Continued community support and collaboration between governments and organizations are essential for reaching and supporting victims across national and international boundaries. 

The Treatment of People with Disabilities in Institutional Care Settings in Brazil

 

A flag of Brazil flowing in the wind
Image 1: Flag of Brazil. Source: Yahoo! Images

Overview of the Issue 

In Brazil, thousands of children and adults with disabilities are confined to institutions for people with disabilities, facing widespread neglect, abuse, and isolation. Designed ostensibly to provide care, many of these institutions have instead devolved into detention centers where individuals are deprived of their autonomy and dignity. Reports from Human Rights Watch reveal the harrowing conditions experienced by people with disabilities in these facilities, underscoring the urgent need for systemic reform to safeguard their basic rights.  

One relevant case is that of Leonardo, a 25-year-old man with muscular dystrophy who has lived in a residential institution since he was 15. His mother, unable to care for him due to a lack of adequate support, was left with little to no choice. Like many others, Leonardo shares cramped quarters with multiple residents, with minimal privacy or control over his daily life. There are very few meaningful activities available for him to partake in, and he has seemingly no apparent opportunity to participate in society as an autonomous individual, mirroring the experiences of countless other residents across Brazil’s institutions.  

Causes of Institutionalization  of the Care for People with Disabilities 

The institutionalization of the care for individuals with disabilities in Brazil is shown through several interrelated systemic issues. First, the lack of adequate support for families plays a significant role. The government offers limited resources, and financial assistance programs, such as the Benefício de Prestação Continuada (BPC), often fail to fully meet the comprehensive needs of individuals with disabilities, which include therapy, assistive devices, and accessible housing. Without meaningful support systems, families may feel they have no alternative but to rely on institutional care.  

Brazil’s legal and systemic framework also plays a crucial role. Guardianship laws that remove legal capacity from individuals with disabilities mean that many residents in institutions cannot consent to their placement. This lack of autonomy, combined with the stigma of ableism, creates an environment where people with disabilities are treated as passive recipients of care rather than individuals who should have rights and preferences. Public perception remains rooted in ableist attitudes, which continue to limit access to inclusive services and resources.   

The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated these disparities, intensifying existing challenges for people with disabilities in Brazil’s institutional care settings. This revealed vulnerabilities in both healthcare access and living conditions. Individuals with disabilities were disproportionately affected by the virus due to several factors, including pre-existing health conditions, limited access to adequate healthcare, and cramped, unsanitary living environments within institutions. These conditions not only increased infection rates but also made it difficult to implement preventive measures, such as social distancing and proper sanitation.   

Hospital Beds. Source: Yahoo! Images
Image 2: Hospital Beds. Source: Yahoo! Images

Problems Within Institutions for People with Disabilities 

The institutional care setting for People with Disabilities in Brazil fails to meet even the most basic standards of dignity and human rights. Living conditions in many of these institutions are deplorable. Reports from Human Rights Watch describe facilities that resemble prisons more than care centers. Physical restraints, such as tying residents to beds or sedating them, are surprisingly common. Such practices not only prevent individuals from engaging in any form of meaningful activity, but also contribute to a host of physical and psychological traumas.  

Isolation is another significant, impactful issue. Many residents are confined to their beds or rooms for extended periods, with little to no engagement in social interaction or personal development. Children, specifically, suffer due to the lack of educational and recreational activities, which then stunts their intellectual and emotional growth. This isolation leads to further stigmatization and marginalization, unfortunately reinforcing the perception that people with disabilities are separate from society and should be hidden from view, whether intentionally or not.  

The lack of oversight and enforcement of existing laws allows for egregious human rights abuses to go unchecked. In many cases, individuals are institutionalized unlawfully, deprived of family connections, and subjected to a lifetime of neglect. Children who enter these institutions often lose contact with their families permanently, which can lead to long-term emotional trauma and a deep sense of abandonment.  

Access to healthcare for people with disabilities in Brazil also remains alarmingly inadequate. Despite the legal frameworks designed to protect their rights, physical and financial barriers to healthcare still exist, compounded by a lack of training among healthcare providers to address the specific needs of people with disabilities. These gaps contribute to a high incidence of preventable health complications and reduced life expectancy.   

Efforts Toward Reform  

While Brazil has established a strong legal framework for the rights of people with disabilities, including the ratification of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) and the enactment of the 2016 Law on Inclusion, the enforcement and practical implementation of these laws remain lacking in change. Legal rights exist on paper, but without mechanisms to enforce them, individuals with disabilities continue to suffer abuse, neglect, and loss of their freedoms.  

United Nations Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and many advocacy organizations have called on the Brazilian government to transition from institutional care to community-based services that prioritize individual autonomy and family support. These efforts encourage the development of small, inclusive residences and group homes to reduce the dependence on large-scale institutions. Although some of these programs have been started up, they fall short of ensuring true independence and often lack the necessary resources to fully support residents in their transition to independent living.  

Efforts to improve healthcare access are underway, focusing on providing disability-specific training to healthcare providers and addressing financial and physical accessibility challenges. These interventions are essential to improving the health outcomes of individuals with disabilities and to fostering an inclusive healthcare environment that treats people with disabilities as valued members of society.  

Looking Ahead  

The treatment of people with disabilities in institutional care settings in Brazil reveals a profound humanitarian crisis that requires focused attention. The combination of insufficient support systems, societal stigma, and legal challenges results in an environment where individuals with disabilities are denied their rights, autonomy, and dignity. While Brazil has made some strides toward recognizing and enshrining the rights of individuals with disabilities, significant gaps remain in the enforcement of these rights and in the availability of community-based alternatives to institutionalization.  

Addressing these issues calls for a multifaceted approach, including policy reform, enhanced support for families, and the development of inclusive, community-based care. By prioritizing the rights and voices of individuals with disabilities, Brazil can move toward a more just and humane society where all individuals are treated with respect, dignity, and equal opportunity.  

 

Child Soldiers in Northeast Syria

Exposure to warfare at a young age has been associated with distress that does not easily wither away. This correlation can be seen in the reality of many children as young as 12 years old in the autonomous northeastern region of Syria. The region is governed by the Kurdish Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) and led by its active military wing, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). Under the SDF control are various organizations such as the unarmed Kurdish youth group, Revolutionary Youth Movement, or, as referred to by the locals, Tevgera Ciwanên Şoreşger. Since late 2020, the members have stopped hosting intellectual and networking events and rather directed focus onto military enlistment. Consequently, for years, the group has become a prominent player in the sudden recruitment of child soldiers in Syria whilst holding the claim that the voluntary consent of each child is collected prior to placement in their educational training programs. However, several international organizations have reported the Revolutionary Youth Movement for unsolicited recruitment of children from Syrian regions within and outside of the AANES control with fraud claims of offering educational courses, in addition to coercion. 

Map illustrating the geographic divisions of control in Syria.
Image 1: Map illustrating the geographic divisions of control in Syria. | Source: Yahoo Images

Speculated Training Procedures  

Initial recruitment by the Revolutionary Youth Movement has been speculated to have a direct method with young teenage members approaching children in public settings, building trust, and inviting them for educational lectures with the intention of luring them into joining military positions. A Syrian human rights researcher, in an interview conducted by Human Rights Watch, shared that following recruitment, children are put through dogmatic training and then transferred for integration into a selected armed group. The researcher expands to note that some children receive supplementary training on utilizing force and violence from the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), an armed group based in Turkey and Iraq, in the Qandil Mountains. When the Human Rights Watch team directly asked the PPK regarding the matter, they denied the observed reports of child recruitment, denied having any relations with the Syrian youth movements, and emphasized their objective to comply with the regulations of the Geneva Convention, integral international treaties that maintain the moral boundaries of warfare. In contrast, the statement of the researcher has been supported by references made in a Danish federal agency report, the Centre for Documentation and Counter Extremism, of sighted training camps for indoctrinated children in the Qandil or Sinjar Mountains of Iraq. Another supporting document identified is the U.S. State Department Trafficking in Persons report, which notes observations of the Revolutionary Youth Movement coercing children to undergo military training in the Qandil mountains. Both reports are from 2024. 

A child dressed in camouflage and holding a rifle in Syria.
Image 2: A child dressed in camouflage and holding a rifle in Syria. | Source: Yahoo Images

Direct Accounts  

Several sources have collected direct stories from families who have had their children taken away. In interviews conducted by Human Rights Watch, almost all families note that their children left home one day and have not been seen since. Following the initial disappearance, many searched and raised questions until eventually told through acquaintances or direct but anonymous calls with Revolutionary Youth Movement members about their child’s recruitment. Some families remark their children being used as support against Turkish intrusions in the AANES-controlled region, but not all know where their children are. 

The father of a missing 14-year-old daughter received a call offering him to see his daughter if he made a recording affirming his daughter’s recruitment was voluntary. The man denied the offer, and with over a year having passed, he has yet to see his child. It is worth noting that the father recalled his daughter communicating with a member of the group over Facebook Messenger prior to her disappearance.  

In another instance, a daughter was returned to her mother in Qamishli after her recruitment. However, soon after, the child received a phone call, which seemed to frighten her and led to her leaving again. The daughter did not share any details of her time with the group and has yet to return. 

Even after filing reports to the SDF and the Children Protection Office, families have been unsuccessful at bringing their children back home. As a result, devastated families experiencing the forced loss of their children, accompanied by distraught emotions and the realization that there is little that can be done, continue to occur in Syria. This struggle is further strengthened by the lack of communication and lack of certainty in knowing whether your child is safe, sleeping well, eating well, or even alive. 

Physical and Psychological Impacts on Children 

As this article began, the impacts of warfare exposure can be significantly detrimental in childhood. Testimonies of released children, by the Syria Justice and Accountability Center, discuss experiences of being imprisoned and beaten by trainers for disciplinary purposes. Such physical acts can lead to fright and fear being reinforced in the children again and again. Beyond physical harm, the psychological trauma of being a child soldier on one’s mental health is just as prevalent. Children being actively removed from their homes, schools, and societies with the loss of all contact results in the collapse of their social support systems and a reduced ability for social integration. Furthermore, young children must bear witness to violence and become vulnerable to the lasting effects of elevated distress and dysfunction in place of a time intended for their cognitive, behavioral, and social development. 

Legal Violations

Another facet of the matter is through the legal lens that regulates and raises questions of ethics. To begin with, the International Humanitarian Law, a globally applicable set of expectations, protects child well-being by preventing the recruitment or use of children as soldiers under the age of 15 in conflicts. Such young recruitment for armed support is further prohibited by the Rome Statute and is punishable by the International Criminal Court as a war crime. Syria does not fall under obligations to follow the Rome Statute, but if the UN Security Council were to report its concern to the ICC Office of the Prosecutor, this requirement would be considered a violation.  

Photo of Rt. Hon. Lamberto Dini, Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, signing the Rome Statute at the 1988 Rome Conference.
Image 3: Photo of Rt. Hon. Lamberto Dini, Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, signed the Rome Statute at the 1988 Rome Conference. | Source: Yahoo Images

Bringing a domestic focus on the country and region, in 2019, SDF signed an Action Plan with the UN requiring them to not only end all acts and support of military recruitment of children but also create protective and disciplinary measures in place to disincentivize such acts. However, in contrast to anticipated compliance, verified cases of child recruitment in NE Syria have remained steady, with a peak of 637 cases in 2022, and are yet to wither. Another legal defiance is of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syrian Region (DAANES’) Social Contract, the 2023 version of the original “Charter of the Social Contract of Rojava,” which was created after the rejection of centralized governance that autonomized the northern Syrian region. Among the new 134 articles, the English translation of Article 55 states, “Children’s rights are protected, and the use of violence against them, their employment, exploitation, and recruitment are prohibited. This is regulated by law”. 

With such legal expectations and obligations, SDF has emphasized a commitment to putting efforts towards ending all child recruitment in the region. However, the contrary continuation of recruitment activities may be due to the groups being directly intertwined with the political and military hierarchies of the AANES and SDF control. This is supported by the fact that the primary transfer of the children to armed groups is to the People’s Protection Unit (YPG) and its associated branch for women, the Women’s Protection Units (YPJ), both of which are branches housed under the SDF.  

A young female soldier of the YPJ group branch dressed in camouflage with a rifle on her shoulder.
Image 4: A young female soldier of the YPJ group branch dressed in camouflage with a rifle on her shoulder. | Source: Yahoo Images

Action Steps 

It is important to realize that the situation in Syria is not a matter of concern for just the region but rather a matter requiring fulfillment of global duties and human rights. The acts of the SDF risk the physical well-being of children today as well as the social, financial, and psychological well-being of their futures. 

Therefore, with legal and moral obligations present, it crucially falls onto international bodies and organizations to become actively involved in the protection of the Syrian children who are having childhoods and playtimes be replaced with training camps and military weapons. Such actions can be reported to the ICC Office of the Prosecutor, decisions taken against violations of SDF obligations to existing policies, or changes in regulatory practices.  

From a public perspective, advocacy for active progression towards solutions, support for organizations already involved in fighting child recruitment, and the spread of awareness of the devastating reality of Syrian families are all factors that have the power to play critical roles in protecting the children of Syria.

Human Rights Concerns About the 2024 Austrian National Council Elections

The recent National Council elections in Austria, held on September 29th, saw the rise of the Freedom Party (FPO), as they won a plurality of the total vote and overtook the current administration in support. This far-right party has maintained moderate support since its founding in 1956; however, in the past few years, it has seen both a sizeable shift towards conservatism and a significant uptick in support. While only 28.8% of the total vote was garnered, this was more than the Austrian People’s Party’s (OVP) 26.3%, which, up until this election, held the most parliamentary seats. This electoral success has increased FPO representation in the National Council, now having 57 out of 183 total seats. While it seems unlikely that the party will be able to form a coalition and thus achieve a majority in government, this victory still raises questions regarding minority rights and foreign policy and warrants concern due to Austria’s history with far-right regimes. This rise in conservatism also follows a general shift to the right among European countries, making Austria and its surrounding states worthy of monitoring. 

A crowd of Austrian citizens rally together in support of the Freedom Party.
Image 1: Austrians rally in support of the FPO. Source: Yahoo Images

Austrian Government: Structure and History

Structure 

The Austrian government is a parliamentary system, meaning the percentage a party gains through voting directly translates into representation in government. Similarly, the country is home to numerous political parties, meaning multiple political platforms can receive representation. Considered the backbone of the Austrian government, the National Council is where bills are developed into laws before being passed over for Federal approval. It has a total of 187 seats. Having multiple platforms represented means that parties rarely receive an outright majority, forcing movements to coalesce or form political alliances with one another. This way, legislation can be passed quickly since a majority is held. This system allows for accurate representation of the country’s political views; however, without some sort of coalition, the government might not be able to agree on policies, thus leading to a stalemate. 

Impacts of Modern History

Modern history plays an important role in Austria’s political landscape of today. During World War Two, Austria was ruled by the Nazi regime after being annexed into the German Reich. Under this leadership, discriminatory legislation was codified, subjecting Jewish and other minority groups to grossly inhumane treatment. Following the war, the country came under Allied occupation, ultimately leading to its independence in 1955. During this time, Austria declared itself a neutral nation and was generally center-right in social and economic policy. It was also around this time that the FPO was founded by a former Nazi officer.  However, the policies were regarded as fitting the center-right norm. Since then, the FPO has slowly gained national recognition and pushed itself to the right, blossoming throughout the 1990s and early 2000s. 2017 showed the biggest jump in support with the FPO forming a coalition with the OVP, causing a noticeable shift to the right within the government, especially regarding views on immigration, Islam, and Austria’s role in the European Union. Though this coalition ultimately collapsed two years later, this period led to a normalization of right-wing and discriminatory rhetoric, setting the path for increased support of the FPO.

Image 2: Herbert Kickl stands in front of a crowd of supporters, all holding pro-FPO signs.
Image 2: FPO leader Herbert Kickl stands amongst supporters. Source: Yahoo Images

FPO: Policies and Potential Implications Regarding Human Rights

Anti-Immigration 

The FPO has taken a strong stance against immigration, with its party manifesto claiming that “Austria is not a country of immigration.” The party argues that by minimizing immigrants within the country, taxes can be lowered while still maintaining social welfare programs, going along with its proposal of welfare attached to citizenship. Furthermore, the FPO has shown interest in deportation, lowering accepted asylum claims, and banning new immigrants from entering the country based on family unification. Party leader Herbert Kickl has also shared his belief that migrants who “refuse to assimilate” should lose their citizenship and be forced out of the country. This anti-immigration attitude is additionally concerning when considering the refugee crisis occurring within Europe. The war in Ukraine, civil war in Syria, and earthquakes in Turkey have led to a dramatic increase in asylum claims throughout the continent. Limiting immigration can have detrimental effects on refugees seeking safety, basic necessities, and better living conditions for themselves and their families. 

Islamophobia 

The FPO has uncharitable views on Islam, claiming it will pass a law to ban so-called “political Islam” and utilizing the slogan “Home, not Islam” during its campaign. This follows a general rise in Islamophobia throughout Austria, with an increase in anti-Muslim-related attacks in the past year, and anti-Muslim policies being implemented in 2015. These policies are argued to have violated Austria’s right to religious freedom, as they banned the use of Islam-related foreign funding and increased state surveillance over Islamic institutions. 

Kickl’s proposed ban on political Islam continues Austria’s pattern of violating its citizens’ constitutional right to religious freedom and gives the government more power to legally carry out anti-Muslim acts. 

Gender and Sexuality

The FPO holds extremely conservative views on issues regarding gender and sexuality. The party is against same-sex marriage, writing out in its manifesto that “We are committed to the primacy of marriage between a man and a woman as a distinct way of protecting child welfare.” The movement also hopes to codify the existence of only two genders in the constitution, exclude transgender athletes from participating in sports competitions, and ban the public use of gender-inclusive language. Harmful rhetoric has also been utilized by the campaign, deeming increased representation and inclusivity of LGBTQ+ members as “propaganda” and “indoctrination.” This is part of a broader agenda to reinstate traditional gender norms and conservative family values. The passing of such discriminatory legislation would further marginalize members of the LGBTQ+ community, limiting their personal autonomy and ability to freely navigate their lives. 

Foreign Policy

One key component of the FPO’s foreign policy revolves around its skepticism of the European Union, believing the institution holds too much power over signatory countries. In July 2024, the party joined Patriots for Europe, a far-right European Parliamentary group. This movement is supported by various right-wing parties found around the EU. Its platform is centered around weakening the authority of the EU and takes a strong stance against illegal immigration and the implementation of and adherence to the European Green New Deal. Similarly, the FPO is against providing aid to Ukraine on the premise of its 1955 commitment to neutrality. It also rejects the EU’s sanctions on Russia. These ties go back further than Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, with evidence showing that FPO leader Herbert Kickl might have ties to Russian intelligence agencies. These behaviors show a turn away from the commitments of the European Union and alignment with other Eurosceptic countries.

Austrians manage a table asking citizens to sign a petition for Austria to leave the European Union.
Image 3: Austrian citizens take signatures to exit the European Union. Source: Yahoo Images

Kickl Controversies

Party leader Herbert Kickl has also been part of numerous controversies, raising questions about the intentions of the FPO and his ability to coalesce. One major issue has been his use of Nazi rhetoric, with his team labeling him as “Volkskanzler,” meaning “people’s chancellor,” a term used to describe Hitler during his reign. Similarly, Kickl gave a speech in which he accused centrist politicians of “Volksverrat,” or “treason against the people.” Again, this term was often used by Hitler and the greater Nazi regime. Kickl has also verbalized his support for the Identitarian Movement, a platform that, at its core, argues for the upholding and protection of white supremacy. He has also utilized hateful rhetoric specifically targeted toward the Muslim community. Throughout his time in politics, he has argued that Islamist fundamentalists should be deported, that hijab-wearing should be banned, and that anti-Semitism within Austria is the fault of Islamic teachings and not due to their Nazi history. Kickl has also been vocal about his opposition to vaccines, claiming COVID-19 vaccinations are “a genetic engineering experiment.” 

Due to his countless controversies, the OVP is not seeking a coalition with the FPO, making it unlikely that Kickl and his party will reach a majority within the parliament. While this may ring true, the rise in Kickl’s support highlights the normalization of discriminatory and science-reluctant rhetoric throughout the country, along with aligning with a broader shift towards conservatism within Central Europe as a whole. 

Conclusion 

Though it is unlikely that Kickl and his party will gain a majority within the parliament, the ability of this far-right movement to gain a plurality signals a broader shift in the country towards conservatism. Not only this, but it highlights the normalization of harmful rhetoric against minority and historically mistreated groups. While FPO’s influence might be limited, the situation in Austria warrants being monitored due to its past with extremist regimes. Similarly, this follows a trend towards conservatism among other European countries, such as Hungary, Italy, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic, which might also have serious implications regarding the commitments and authority of the European Union.

How Youth Mentoring Can Instill Resilience in the Next Generation

Introduction

The summer heat made itself known even as the AC blew full blast. Amidst the brown, dilapidated apartments, the heat waves emitting off the asphalt appeared like an endless ocean. I exited the car and made my way toward the school tucked among the federal housing apartments. The playground equipment was rusty, trash floated down the streets, and the smell of smoke burned my nose. A secretary greeted me with a toothy smile and asked me to sit while I waited. 

Then, she walked in. Her braids bounced off the sides of her head as she looked everywhere in the room except into my eyes. This was my first interaction with my Little (To protect her privacy, I will use a fake name, Shae, to refer to her). Shae is the sweetest, most curious, and energetic person I know. Whenever we meet, she asks me questions, eager to learn about my life, college, hometown, and family. 

Yet, getting to this point took work. As we sat together in an empty classroom that first day, she did not speak once. I watched her curious eyes soak me in as she looked me up and down. She studied the intricate embroidery of my purple keychain and spent minutes staring at my hair. I gave her crayons and paper, and while she hesitantly heeded my request to color with her, she did not look into my eyes. I first tried to engage with her by asking questions about her life. Yet, receiving no response each time, I realized I needed to earn her trust first. So, I talked to her about who I am, what I am doing here, and what my life is like.

 

In this image, Shae is smiling with a christmas cookie we decorated together at her school
Image 1: This was the first picture I took of Shae. We decorated the Christmas cookie together, and she was proud of herself, so I asked if I could take a photo of her holding it. (Shae’s parent authorized to publish the picture by signing UAB’s media release form) Source: Natasha Fernandez

Adverse Childhood Experiences

I met Shae as part of Big Brothers Big Sisters (BBBS), an organization that seeks to connect kids who have faced adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) with mentors who can provide an extra support system. According to the CDC‘s (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention) definition, ACEs refer to potentially traumatic events that occur during childhood, such as abuse, neglect, or household dysfunction (e.g., domestic violence and substance abuse). These experiences can have long-term effects on physical and mental health, increasing the risk of chronic illnesses, mental health disorders, and negative behaviors such as substance abuse, as well as impacting educational and socioeconomic outcomes in adulthood.

Certain demographics are more at risk of experiencing ACEs due to a range of socioeconomic, familial, and community factors. Studies have shown that these experiences disproportionately impact children from specific backgrounds, often due to systemic inequalities, lack of access to resources, and heightened exposure to stressors. Children from low-income households are significantly more likely to experience ACEs. Financial instability often results in chronic stress, food insecurity, limited access to healthcare, and housing instability—all of which can exacerbate family conflict and increase exposure to violence or neglect. In addition to economic status, research consistently shows that children from Black, Hispanic, and Indigenous communities have a higher likelihood of experiencing ACEs. In the United States, 61% of black non-Hispanic children and 51% of Hispanic children have experienced at least one ACE. In comparison, 40% of white non-Hispanic children and 23% of Asian non-Hispanic children have experienced at least one ACE. ACEs are more prevalent among racial minorities because of issues like housing discrimination, limited healthcare access, and higher exposure to community violence. These groups are often more vulnerable due to systemic racism, discrimination, and fewer opportunities for economic and social mobility.

Mentoring programs like BBBS show evidence of academic and social benefits for mentees. These relationships encourage academic engagement, improving grades and attendance while reducing dropout rates. A mentor’s encouragement instills a belief in the child’s ability to succeed academically, directly impacting self-esteem and future aspirations. Additionally, social guidance helps children navigate relationships, develop empathy, and build trust in others—all critical components for lifelong success and resilience. At BBBS, 91% of our Littles reported feeling a strong sense of belonging among peers, and 93% plan to graduate high school and attend college. 

My Personal Experience

 

This image depicts my first picture with Shae. We are on the playground and smiling
Image 2: This is the first picture Shae and I took together. When we were playing on the school’s playground she asked to take a selfie. (Shae’s parent authorized authorized to publish the picture by signing UAB’s media release form) Source: Natasha Fernandez

 

I completed an initiation process with BBBS, including a background check, references, an interview, and training. Once everything was in order, I was paired up with Shae. 

On that first day, I was filled with a mix of nerves and uncertainty. As I sat in my car, I couldn’t help but wonder, did I do a good job? Does she even like me? However, after a reassuring conversation with my match support coordinator at BBBS, I realized that my experience was not unique. I needed to stay strong and committed to my work, and with time, I would earn Shae’s trust.

Week by week, with each visit, coloring activity, game, and snack, Shae started to warm up to me. She slowly took down her barriers, starting by looking into my eyes. Then, she responded to my questions with yes or no answers and later in complete sentences.

The day Shae started asking me questions about my life, I was overwhelmed with joy. My Little took the lead, instructing me to ask her a question, and then she would reciprocate. We engaged in a lively back-and-forth for almost an hour. It was at that moment that I truly felt our bond had formed. Despite the three-month journey to reach this point, the reward was immeasurable. 

Over the next year, Shae opened up, and we formed a close friendship. When the new school year began, her third-grade teacher said they were starting a new school-wide program, and I could only visit my Little during restricted time periods. Finding the perfect time to visit her was difficult with my already packed schedule. Somedays, upon arrival at the elementary school, the secretary would inform me that her mother did not bring her in that day. Somedays, when I brought Shae to the multipurpose room, they were holding a conference, and I could not bring her to the playground because another class was using it. At one point, the school completely repurposed the multipurpose room, and I could only visit on the days the school counselor was not using her office. For the next two months, I was not able to meet with Shae due to the problems with the resource-poor school. Therefore, I requested to transfer to BBBS’s community program, where I could bring Shae to my home. Through this program, I can engage in even more exciting activities with her that she normally wouldn’t be able to do at her home or school. She loves to bake, so we’ve made just about everything from cupcakes and cookies to homemade ice cream and caramel apples.

 

In this image, Shae is eating a candy apple she insisted would taste better if it was dyed blue
Image 3: This image depicts Shae eating a candy apple that she insisted would taste better if it was dyed blue. (Shae’s parent authorized to publish the picture by signing UAB’s media release form) Source: Natasha Fernandez

 

I have been with Shae for almost four years now and have seen dramatic changes in her behavior and demeanor. She is prone to emotional outbursts, especially if she is losing a game. But, while she hasn’t completely lost this behavior, I have noticed differences over time. For example, last week, when we were playing Roblox, she became frustrated because the game started before she could finish getting ready. I started to calm her down, but before I could say a word, she said, “It’s okay because I will still have fun.” This brought tears to my eyes because she used my exact phrasing to self-soothe. I have also noticed an improvement in Shae’s communication and ability to express her needs. She now verbally expresses her emotions to me instead of becoming withdrawn or aggressive. 

The Effects of Youth Mentoring

Youth mentoring can play a transformative role in the lives of children who have experienced ACEs. These children often lack consistent, supportive relationships with adults. A mentor provides a stable, caring figure who models positive behavior, emotional regulation, and healthy decision-making. Studies show that mentors offer critical emotional support, which can counterbalance the effects of past trauma by reducing feelings of isolation and promoting a sense of belonging. For instance, a meta-analysis on youth mentoring found that children with mentors exhibit better psychological adjustment and emotional well-being than their non-mentored peers.

According to Harvard’s Center on the Developing Child, “The single most common factor for children who develop resilience is at least one stable and committed relationship with a supportive parent, caregiver, or other adult.” Through mentorship, children are exposed to new coping strategies and problem-solving skills vital for resilience. Mentors can guide mentees in identifying their strengths, expressing emotions healthily, and navigating challenges. For children facing stressors, learning to manage emotions and reframe experiences can reduce anxiety, depression, and the likelihood of developing mental health disorders. Coping mechanisms gained through mentoring contribute to a child’s adaptability and perseverance in the face of adversity. 

Children with ACEs are more likely to engage in risky behaviors as a coping mechanism. Mentoring relationships offer an alternative by providing a positive outlet and reducing the likelihood of substance abuse, delinquency, and violence. Mentors provide accountability and serve as advocates for healthier choices, which contributes to improved quality of life and fewer risk factors associated with ACEs.

 

In this picture, Shae and I are sitting in my car and she asked me to take a picture of her trying on my sunglasses.
Image 4: This is the first time I took Shae to my apartment. We were sitting in my car, and she asked me to take a picture of her trying on my sunglasses. (Shae’s parent authorized to publish the picture by signing UAB’s media release form) Source: Natasha Fernandez

Conclusion

There is a profound sense of satisfaction that comes with watching someone grow and knowing that a part of your best self lives in that person. I continue to meet with Shae weekly, and while some days are challenging and draining, I wouldn’t trade my time with her for anything. The progress she has made fills me with a deep sense of pride and accomplishment. It doesn’t take a lot to make a change: just one hour a week and enough love to share.

American Psychiatric Abuses: Residential Treatment Facilities

Content warning: this blog will include mentions of child abuse, child self-harm, child suicide, and child sexual abuse.

Psychiatric Residential Treatment Facilities (PRTFs) are in-patient institutions that provide inpatient psychiatric care to people under the age of 21. They are a common form of short-term psychiatric care for young people. Children do not choose to be committed to these facilities, and they do not want to be. Two children said they were being treated like animals. Many said, “I don’t feel safe.”

Physical Abuse 

Children in PRTFs are extremely vulnerable due to both psychiatric issues and the nature of living in institutionalized care. Facilities are often understaffed, leading to minimal supervision and increased opportunities for abuse – by staff and other children.

 

A former child group home resident and his mother.
Image 1: A former child group home resident and his mother. Source: Yahoo Images

Staff members at PRTFs have frequent opportunities to abuse their charges. A staff member at Cumberland Hospital in Virginia “poured scalding water on a non-verbal 16-year-old.” An 11-year-old boy from Arkansas was pushed down, had his hair pulled, and had a staff member place her foot in his back. A staff member at Devereaux Brandywine in Pennsylvania was found guilty of assault after she “punched and kicked a 14-year-old in the head, face, and body until the child was unconscious.” In December 2023, a staff member at a facility in Arkansas told a police officer, “I went in there, and I basically twisted his ear real hard in order to get him off the bed, which we’re not supposed to touch them.” A staffer at a facility in South Carolina “hit the child twice, including punching the child in the head.” At a Devereux facility in Viera, Florida, a staff member hit a boy on his neck, leaving marks. It is sad that state governments pay pay thousands of dollars daily for children to be abused by their caretakers.

Further, due to apathy and unawareness from staff, children are also able to abuse other children in PRTFs. At Riverside Hospital in Virginia, a child was “repeatedly stabbed by another child.” At North Star Behavioral Health in Alaska, after two children were accidentally placed in seclusion together, one child gave the other a bloody nose. At the same Alaska facility, a child was “punched, slapped in the eye, and kicked by other children.”

None of these instances of abuse were reported to the children’s guardians in a timely manner. Some parents were never notified.

Sexual Abuse 

A caregiver at Lighthouse Care Center of Augusta, in Augusta, Georgia, was arrested and convicted of child molestation. An employee at a facility in Alabama was sentenced after sexually abusing a 13-year-old boy she should have been caring for. A man working at a facility in Chicago was charged with three counts after sexually assaulting minors in his care. A Utah man pled guilty to sexually abusing three male students at a residential school he worked at.

Staff members also allow sexual abuse to occur between children. At Devereux Brandywine in Pennsylvania, a 13-year-old boy asked not to be placed in a room with an older boy he was afraid of. They were placed as roommates, and “the older boy forced the younger child to perform oral sex on him on three successive nights in a walk-in closet.” This is one of many equally disturbing instances of staff enabling sexual abuse at facilities. One facility in New Mexico closed partially due to “the unchecked spread of HIV among patients” – something that brings to mind the hepatitis experiments of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s at Willowbrook State School, an infamous institution in New York.

A postcard from Willowbrook State School.
Image 2: A postcard from Willowbrook State School. Source: Yahoo Images

Neglect and Unsafe Environments 

Staff at PRTFs are often unable or unwilling to prevent children from harming themselves. Disability Rights Arkansas, the Protection & Advocacy Agency for Arkansas, reported that one girl “still had access to items to cut her arms. There were numerous new scars over her old scars.” The staff did not care. Another child at the same facility said that she had “used the second stall [with cracked and sharp shower tiles] to self-harm.” The staff did not care. If they had, the children in their care would be safe. A child at Palmetto Pines Behavioral Health in South Carolina “barricaded themselves inside of his suicide watch room…[and] used the plastics piece to cut his neck in an attempt to kill himself, but it was not sharp enough.” The staff did not care. A child at Provo Canyon School in Utah “caused personal injury during self-harm, with wounds that were one and two inches in length… through the fatty tissue.” At Oak Plains Academy in Tennessee, two 15-year-olds overdosed on Benadryl. The mother of one of them said, “I’ll never see her again; I just want justice for her; I just want her story told. And I want – I never want this to happen again to anyone.”

A box of Benadryl.
Image 3: A box of Benadryl. Source: Yahoo Images

Minority Children 

Children who are also members of minoritized groups, especially children of color and LGBTQIA+ children, have even greater difficulties in PRTFs.

According to a Senate report, “[T]he longer an RTF stay, the longer a child is at risk of exposure to harms, including the use of restraints and seclusion, physical and sexual abuse, insufficient education, and substandard living conditions. This risk is heightened for children of color, LGBTQIA+ youth, and children with I/DD (intellectual/developmental disabilities) who are most likely to live in these settings.” Black children are 35% more likely than white children to be placed in institutionalized care facilities.

Cornelius Frederick, a 16-year-old Black boy from Michigan, was killed at a facility in Kalamazoo, Michigan, in April 2020. Seven male staff members restrained Frederick for 12 minutes. The medical examiner ruled his death a homicide – asphyxiation.

In 2018, a gay 16-year-old was attacked while residing at St. John’s Academy, a Sequel facility in Florida. His attacker told him that he “didn’t want a fa***t in the pod.” Disability Rights Washington reported that two “crisis plans” for children residing at PRTFs used incorrect gendered pronouns when referring to the child. In 2020, two transgender girls resided at Sequel Courtland in Courtland, Alabama – a boys’ facility. One girl was being stalked by other residents. She did not feel safe.

Further Information 

For further reading about the kinds of abuses that go on in these facilities, consider reading a blog I wrote in April about group homes. You can also reach out to local representatives about ending or reducing out-of-state institutionalizations, which are harder to investigate than in-state institutions.

The Awaiting Arrest Warrant of Bangladesh

Abu Sayed, a student studying English at the Begum Rokeya University, stood on the streets of Rangpur with his arms wide open on July 16, 2024. Although posing no threat, within seconds, the young man was shot in the chest by officers standing 15 meters in front of him. This was in addition to the tear gas and batons others around him were suffering. Despite being only in his mid-20s, Sayed became a martyr that afternoon. 

Events setting the stage for such open violence in Bangladesh began on July 1st, 2024, with peaceful protests by students against the Prime Minister, Sheikha Hasina, and in response to the government’s decades-old quota system. 

Why a Protest? 

Following the war granting Bangladesh independence from Pakistan in 1971, a quota system for highly valued jobs was created. This system not only claimed more than half of the civil service posts for particular social groups but also reserved the top 30% of the most sought-after positions for relatives of the 1971 veterans. Initially, this was a choice of goodwill with the intention to acknowledge and appreciate the freedom fighters who secured their nation. However, despise and anger of the system in the Bangladeshi students arose due to two factors. First, the country is going through incrementally increasing unemployment rates. With a population of over 170 million and a median age of 25.7, over 30 million Bangladeshi are unemployed, with the youth being the most impacted. Second, many of the political leaders of the nation are the relatives of the 1971 veterans. This includes the 76-year-old Prime Minister, Sheikha Hasina, daughter of the assassinated Sheikha Mujibur Rahman. Although she is considered the longest-serving female head of government, there have been multiple remarks that her rule has become increasingly authoritarian over time. In other words, this trade of unemployment so that wealthy elites can sustain their security and high income is why the quota system is actively being called out as discriminatory and favoring the political supporters of Hasina’s Awami League party. In combination with the youth’s frustration with inequality and injustice, peaceful protesting began on July 1st at the prestigious Dhaka University. 

Protestors standing and sitting in a group advocating against the quota system with flags, posters, and paint.
Image 1: Protestors standing and sitting in a group advocating against the quota system with flags, posters, and paint. | Source: Yahoo Images

The Escalation  

Initiating in Dhaka, protests with students holding posters and flags quickly spread like fire through cities across the nation. However, as the youth of the nation began to unite, they soon faced a dramatic escalation of violence within days. On July 15th, students inside Dhaka University were directly attacked by rods, clubs, and sighted revolvers by members of the Bangladeshi Chatra League (BCL), a wing of the Awami League party. The following day, Abu Sayed was shot to death in the streets of Rangpur.  

A row of Bangladeshi police officers holding batons, their helmets, and shields.
Image 2: A row of Bangladeshi police officers holding batons, their helmets, and shields. | Source: Yahoo Images

A protestor in Dhaka, Hassan Abdullah, stated in a CNN interview, “The police are constantly bursting sound grenades right now.” Such grenades being thrown, shots being fired, and tear gas attacks quickly became a daily norm on the streets for weeks. There are even accounts of hospitalizations due to heads being smashed by officers.  

On July 18th, NetBlocks, an internet monitoring site, posted a confirmation of an almost complete internet shutdown throughout the country, in addition to efforts tampering with social media access and mobile data services. After July 18th, Bangladesh went entirely offline, blinding the world to the courses of action and violence occurring within. It is known, however, that the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), an anti-crime division of the Bangladeshi police, the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), a border security force, and the National Army were spread across the country alongside the alleged establishment of a shoot on sight curfew. A few days afterward, online restrictions were somewhat lifted, revealing over 200 deaths and thousands injured within a short span of 10 days.  

Since the escalation of events, in addition to the violence, many have also been arrested arbitrarily, with about 61,000 being accused in legal cases for protesting. Such open, brutal, and life-threatening violence with no remorse or apology continued into August. In fact, on August 4th alone, 91 people were killed, the highest death count within a single day in Bangladesh’s recent history, with hundreds more injured and/or hospitalized.  

As the only response to the frank harm and threat to her citizens, Sheikha Hasina initiated a judicial investigation of the matter as she encouraged the public to wait for the higher court to deliver a just decision.  

Resignation of Power 

After weeks of the determined protestors advocating for justice and the commotion that followed, on August 5th, Hasina resigned from her position and ended her dominance in the country’s politics. She is believed to have fled to a neighboring country in India, near Delhi.  

Within hours of the resignation, Mohammad Shahabuddin, Bangladesh’s President, released former Prime Minister and Hasina’s opposition rival, Khaleda Zia, who had been jailed for graft charges. Shahabuddin also proceeded to release all detained students captured for protesting the quota system. In addition, the curfew was lifted, a temporary government led by Muhammad Yunus was established, and new elections were intended to be held. 

Following Hasina’s departure, protestors continued committing aggressive acts. Furniture from the residency of Hasina was seen being carried out, police and government buildings were alit, and attempts to tear down the statue of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, father of Sheikha Hasina, were made. Such acts were done in celebration and to demand a new government that was not led by its military.

As of October 17th, the Bangladeshi International Crimes Tribunal has issued arrest warrants for 45 people, which includes Sheikha Hasina and other members of her cabinet. This is being done on the basis of Hasina presiding over the mass killings and inhumane crimes that occurred during the protests. As a result, Sheikha Hasina must appear before the court by the date of November 18th. 

Members of the protestors standing on top of a building to celebrate the end of the Hasina rule.
Image 3: Members of the protestors stood on top of a building to celebrate the end of the Hasina rule. | Source: Yahoo Images

Human Rights Matter

It is blatant that such treatment of individuals, as seen by the young Bangladeshi students, is inhumane and vicious. And so, there are certain factors in the situation worth bringing our attention to. Firstly, the unlawful use of force is being placed on protestors. The violent and lethal tactics accompanied by a range of weapons have led to hundreds dead and thousands injured. It is important to acknowledge that not only are these numbers but also living people being put through excruciating pains and grief physically and psychologically. Furthermore, Human Rights Watch has remarked that the excessive use of force by security personnel violates several international human rights standards, drawing widespread criticism from global human rights organizations. Another point is the arbitrary arrest of civilians in order to disrupt their ability to express and assemble. This was further pressed on by the internet restriction, which removed a major layer of protection for civilians. 

Sheikha Hasina giving a speech to the General Assembly of the UN dressed in a light blue sari.
Image 4: Sheikha Hasina gave a speech to the General Assembly of the UN dressed in a light blue sari. | Source: Yahoo Images

It is incredibly important to understand that the discussed situation is not solely relevant to Bangladesh; but rather to international affairs, as with all human rights matters. In fact, alongside the protesters in Bangladesh, smaller protests have already been held by international Bangladeshi students in New York, Melbourne, Sydney, and even Copenhagen. And so, not only is the world awaiting to see how Bangladesh’s unknown future forms, but also how the matter of human rights violation is dealt with by the Bangladeshi International Crimes Tribunal.  

As we wait for Hasina to determine if she will present herself before the court from a public perspective, we are able to consider a few choices of support. Join the movement by supporting organizations like Amnesty International, spreading awareness on social media, or writing to your local representatives to condemn the human rights abuses in Bangladesh. The ability of people to come together, even internationally, and make great differences is something that has always remained astounding.  

The Aftermath of Mahsa Amini: A Glimpse into Women’s Rights in Iran Two Years Later

September 14th, 2024, marked two years since the murder of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini in Iran’s capital, Tehran. Amini was arrested by the “Gasht-e-Ershad,” also known as the morality police, who are responsible for enforcing Iran’s strict dress code. For women, this includes a head covering called a hijab and loose-fitting clothes.

Authorities claimed that Amini had worn her hijab “improperly”  and transported her to a detention center for a “re-education class.” Amini collapsed at the center later that evening and died three days later while in police custody.

Government officials claimed her cause of death was a heart attack. However, her family denied that she had any history of heart issues, and they were refused the chance to see her body before she was buried. Witnesses from the day of her arrest alleged that Amini was severely beaten in the patrol van—photographs and videos of Amini in the hospital corroborate this, indicating trauma to her head.

It’s unclear how she died, but it certainly wasn’t from a heart attack. Rather, Mahsa Amini was a victim of an oppressive regime that sought to tyrannize women in the name of religion.

 

A woman in an all-black outfit with a head covering standing in the grass.
Image 1: Mahsa Amini, Source: Yahoo Images

Nationwide Response and Iran’s Crackdown

Amini’s murder at the hands of the morality police caused international outrage and political unrest, a catalyst for the biggest uprising that Iran has seen since the 1979 Islamic Revolution. These protests were primarily led by women, a fiery rejection of a government that restricts the freedom of its citizens and meets resistance with violence.

Security forces used excessive or lethal force in response to demonstrations that were oftentimes peaceful, firing into crowds with rubber pellets or automatic weapons and beating protestors. As of September 15th, 2023, at least 551 were killed, and around 19,000 were arrested in relation to the uprising. Authorities also heavily restricted Internet access to prevent the spread of information and protest videos, as well as disrupt the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.

Iran’s pushback against widespread public dissent includes the Hijab and Chastity law, proposed by deceased former president Ebrahim Raeesi in May 2023. This was officially approved by the Guardian Council in September 2024 and will be enforced on a trial basis for three years.

The law tightens the mandatory dress code, with penalties of up to 10-15 years in prison, depending on the frequency of violations. It also directly responds to online defiance by punishing influencers or public figures who promote or share content that disparages the dress code, with internet restrictions, fines, and even being banned from leaving Iran. Article 28 calls for law enforcement agencies to use online monitoring systems to report violators to the judiciary.

In July 2023, it was announced that, after a brief recess caused by the protests, the morality police would begin patrolling the streets again to monitor civilians who “ignore the consequences of not wearing the proper hijab and insist on disobeying the norms.”

The government has also used traffic cameras to detect and subsequently fine women without hijabs, detained and suspended female university students who have violated the law, and forcefully shut down businesses that serve women with the “improper dress code.”

Despite these endless threats, Iranian women and girls refuse to be deterred. They continue fighting for their freedom and their right to dress as they wish, even when it might cost them their lives. A 40-year-old woman from Tehran told The Washington Post, “Us Iranian women have gotten to a point where it’s either death or freedom for us. We will pay any price, but we won’t go back to what life was before” the uprising.

Below are the stories of just some of the women and girls who are symbols of the resistance against their oppression and deserve to be remembered.

Roya Heshmati

Roya Heshmati, a 33-year-old woman who lives in Tehran, posted a photo of herself on social media. The photo in question shows Heshmati with her back to the camera, wearing a red shirt, long black skirt, and no head covering. Late at night on April 20th, 2023, authorities arrested Heshmati in her home and confiscated her phone and laptop. She spent 11 days in detention on the charge of “appearing in public without proper religious hijab” and was initially sentenced to 13 years and 9 months in prison, a fine of 12,500,000 rials ($297), and 74 lashes.

Mizan, Iran’s Judiciary News Agency, wrote that Heshmati’s sentence was carried out “in accordance with the law” while also accusing her of “promoting prostitution” and receiving money from abroad. Her actions were described as “injuring public modesty” and “encouraging people to commit corruption.

 

An Iranian woman with dark hair looking into the camera.
Image 2: Roya Hesmati, Source: Yahoo Images

 

An appeal overturned the prison sentence and reduced the fine, but the lashes remained, alongside a three-year ban from leaving Iran. On January 3rd, 2024, Heshmati refused to wear the hijab while receiving her lashes in court, which she compared to a “medieval torture chamber.”

Roya’s story sparked support across social media, both within and outside of Iran, for her courage in the face of a barbaric punishment and blatant attacks on her character.

Arezoo Badri

On July 22nd, 2024, 31-year-old Arezoo Badri was driving home with her sister in the city of Noor. Police tried to pull Badri over to confiscate her car—this was most likely a result of a new surveillance measure to identify and confiscate the vehicles of female drivers or passengers traveling without head coverings.

It is not confirmed whether Badri directly violated this rule, but the confiscation notice associated with her car suggested that she had. She did not stop when prompted by police, at which point they began shooting, first at her tire before aiming at the driver’s side. The bullet reportedly entered her lung and caused severe damage to her spinal cord. It was not removed until 10 days later. Badri underwent lung surgery and was later transferred to a hospital in Tehran, where she stayed under tight security.

 

On the left, a woman laying a hospital bed. On the right, the same woman leaning against a tree outside.
Image 3: Arezoo Badri before her encounter with the authorities on the right, after on the left, Source: Yahoo Images

 

A physician in Tehran told The Guardian in August, “We have had no news on her condition because it’s a heavily guarded military hospital and owned by the police.” Most recent updates on Badri’s state indicate that she is paralyzed from the waist down, but it is unknown whether she will be permanently paraplegic.

Iran International reported that authorities coerced Badri to confess, a tactic repeatedly used as a means to “control the narrative and suppress opposition.” In the video, Badri can supposedly be seen crying due to her critical condition. Her family members (including her sister, who was in the car) were forced to confess as well, on top of having restricted access to visit Badri throughout her time in the hospital.

Confessions like these are broadcast through state media as an attempt to justify and cover up instances of abuse, but human rights organizations like Amnesty International have taken notice of the brutalization against Arezoo Badri and are calling for Iran to stop the state-sponsored violence against women.

Armita Geravand

On October 1st, 2023, 17-year-old Armita Geravand was boarding a train in Tehran when she collapsed and fell into a coma. She died weeks later, on October 28th, suffering brain damage after receiving intensive medical care. Witnesses claim that Geravand was attacked by a hijab enforcer upon entering the train, but authorities assert that she fainted, allegedly having “hit the back of her head against the edge of the platform.”

Surveillance cameras are present inside the series subway car that she boarded. However, Iranian authorities have only released footage from the station, where Geravand can be seen getting on the train without a headscarf, followed by her friends. Just moments later, her friends carry an unconscious Geravand out. Video analysis by Amnesty International’s Evidence Lab concluded that the footage: “Based on the footage time stamps, three minutes and 16 seconds of the metro footage are missing.”

 

A young girl with short hair taking a selfie in the mirror.
Image 4: Armita Geravand, Source: Yahoo Images

 

In the immediate aftermath, authorities reportedly arrested a journalist investigating the incident. Fajr Hospital, where Geravand was being treated, was heavily guarded. State media also spread videos of Geravand’s family affirming what authorities claimed about her collapse due to low blood pressure. Human rights groups like Hengaw have called for independent investigations into her death, but such concerns have been dismissed by security forces.

Armita Geravand’s killing is a horrifying mirror of what happened to Mahsa Amini, garnering further international scrutiny upon the Iranian government for yet another suspicious death under their custody.

The Acts of Defiance Continue

Mahsa Amini’s murder undoubtedly turned a tide in Iran—as the second anniversary of her death passed, women continue to assert their bodily autonomy in the face of ruthless measures that try to strip it away. Whether that’s by participating in large-scale protests or through small acts of defiance, Iranian women and girls will fight until they are free.