When Democracy Became a Target: The Unión Patriótica and Colombia’s Crossroads

When you live abroad, the only real way to stay connected to your country– other than talking to your family– is by watching the news. I was casually browsing a news site when two headlines caught my eye: the 40th anniversary of the Palace of Justice Siege (Toma del Palacio de Justicia) and the fact that several political parties had started selecting candidates for the 2026 elections. 

Seeing those headlines together felt like a collision between two Colombias: one still haunted by the unresolved traumas of the past, and another trying to imagine a different political future. Living abroad often creates this strange distance where you follow the news closely, but you also end up seeing your country through the eyes of outsiders who may not understand how deeply history continues to shape our present.

For many people, the Palace of Justice Siege is just an old tragedy. But for Colombians, it forms part of a much larger narrative about peace, state power, and the risks of political participation. Its aftermath ignited a series of events that unfolded like a domino effect, shaping one of the most complex and painful chapters in Colombian history. Recognizing how these threads are connected is ultimately what pushed me to tell this story. 

I want you, the reader, to understand it and reflect on how similar struggles might exist in your own country.

The Birth of a Political Experiment: UP as a Path to Peace

The Unión Patriótica (UP) emerged in 1985 as a product of the peace negotiations between the Colombian government and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC EP). Far from being simply “the FARC’s party,” as some critics insist, the UP represented a bold political experiment, an attempt to break away from the rigid two-party system that had dominated Colombia for decades and to show that political transformation could be pursued through democratic, nonviolent means. 

Once officially established, the UP gained remarkable electoral traction and visibility. They won mayoral races in key regions, secured seats in Congress, and built strong organizations. Their agenda (centered on agrarian reform, reducing inequality, expanding social participation, and negotiating peace) resonated deeply with many Colombians who were tired of the traditional political class. For a brief moment, it seemed like real, peaceful change was within reach. 

But that visibility quickly became a death sentence.

Photo of the Palace of Justice in Bogotá Colombia
Photo 1: Palace of Justice in Bogotá, Colombia. Source: Bernard Gagnon, CC BY-SA 4.0 https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Palacio_de_Justicia_de_Colombia,_Bogot%C3%A1.jpg, via Wikimedia Commons

A Politicide in Slow Motion

Later that same year, another insurgent group, the Movimiento 19 de Abril (M-19), stormed the Palace of Justice—an event that would later become known as the Palace of Justice Siege—in an attempt to force President Belisario Betancur to stand trial for allegedly violating the ceasefire and peace accords established in 1984.

The impact of this event went far beyond the immediate tragedy. It reinforced Cold War-era narratives within state institutions and conservative sectors that leftist movements, whether armed or democratic, were to be treated as existential threats. This message was clear and deadly.

By early 1986, UP leaders began receiving death threats. Murders soon followed. No one was safe: activists, supporters, voters, and even people merely rumored to sympathize with the party were relentlessly targeted by paramilitary forces. As the campaign of terror escalated, forced disappearances, mass displacement, and exile became routine across entire regions. Violence was not limited to bullets or bombs, as UP members faced financial exclusion, were denied loans, and saw their children ostracized in schools or pushed out of educational opportunities. Families were forced to flee their homes as neighbors feared retaliation simply for living near them. The goal was not just to intimidate, it was to erase the UP from every corner of public life. 

As if this were not devastating enough, the assassinations of UP members Jaime Pardo Leal, Bernardo Jaramillo Ossa, and especially Manuel Cepeda Vargas signaled the complete destruction of the party’s future. The murder of Cepeda Vargas carries particular weight today. His son, Iván Cepeda –who built his career defending victims, uncovering state crimes and demanding truth– is now a presidential candidate. The younger Cepeda’s public life is both a continuation of his father’s struggle and a reminder of what was violently taken from an entire political generation. 

The violence against the UP was not random. Paramilitary groups, drug trafficking networks, and members of the security forces all played a role. 

It wasn’t only civil society that recognized what had happened. On January 30, 2023, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights issued a landmark ruling in the case Integrantes y Militantes de la Unión Patriótica vs. Colombia, declaring that the Colombian State bore international responsibility for a systematic plan to exterminate UP members. Then came a symbolic act of historic repair: in November 2025, President Gustavo Petro publicly apologized on behalf of the Colombian state in Santa Marta, acknowledging responsibility for the politicide against the UP.

This apology, which was part of the reparations ordered by the Court, is more than a gesture; it is a formal recognition that the state not only failed to prevent violence, but was complicit in it.

Protesters during the act of genocide recognition against the Patriotic Union in November 2025.
Photo 2: Protesters during the act of genocide recognition against the Patriotic Union in November 2025. Source: Republic of Colombia Official Photo, CC BY-SA 4.0 https://www.flickr.com/photos/197399771@N06/54913757714/in/album-72177720330211152/, via Flickr

Why Is the Echo So Loud?

You might think: this happened decades ago. Why keep talking about it?

The answer is simple: Colombia has repeatedly attempted peace processes without fully confronting the ghost of its past. For years, the genocide against the Unión Patriótica (UP) was denied, minimized, or dismissed as a consequence of the FARC’s actions rather than what it truly was: a state-backed campaign of political extermination. Many survivors ended up in exile, others continued their activism under constant threat, and countless families never received full truth or justice. 

When the 2016 peace accords were signed with the FARC, one of the central commitments was the guarantee of safe political participation. That clause exists because of the UP. It emerged from an undeniable political lesson: if the state cannot protect demobilized groups or alternative political movements, then peace is not truly peace– it’s a fragile pause destined to break.

And yet, history continues to repeat itself. More than 1,500 social leaders have been killed between 2016 and 2025; former FARC combatants have been assassinated despite being part of the reintegration process; and new armed groups keep emerging in regions abandoned by the state. 

This is why the UP is not just a memory. It is a warning, one that Colombia still struggles to fully hear.

A New Path for Colombia’s Politics?

This history becomes even more relevant today. As mentioned earlier, Iván Cepeda has launched his presidential campaign, and –just like his father decades ago– he has been met with predictable criticism. Many opponents label him a “guerrillero”, meaning “a member from an insurgent group,” a tactic that is not only misleading but dangerous. Branding political rivals as “illegal” or “subversive” has long been a prelude to violence.

In interviews, Cepeda has emphasized that the country must decide whether it wants a political culture built on demonization and elimination, or one grounded in pluralism and debate. Regardless of whether one supports him or not, his candidacy forces Colombia to confront unresolved wounds and ask questions that have gone unanswered for too long. 

This does not mean Cepeda is “the new UP,” that his platform completely mirrors theirs, or that he is the candidate people should endorse. But symbolically, his presence in the presidential race is powerful. It reopens discussions about security guarantees, memory, and what it means to build democracy that does not punish difference. 

Colombians are compelled to ask: Has the country changed enough to make political participation truly safe? or are we still living with the same fears the UP faced?

Could this moment be a spark for change? A chance to show ourselves, and the world, that conflict can be confronted with democracy rather than violence?

Life size cutouts of victims in the UP genocide.
Photo 3: Life size cutouts of victims in the UP politicide. Source: Republic of Colombia Official Photo , CC BY-SA 4.0 https://www.flickr.com/photos/197399771@N06/54913282658/in/album-72177720330211152, via Flickr

Toward a New Horizon

Despite the weight of this past, Colombia stands at a crossroads filled with possibility. The recognition of the UP politicide by state institutions, the voices of victims who refuse to be silenced, and the growing demand for truth and reform all point to a society that is learning to confront its history rather than bury it. 

Reconciliation is not only a matter of institutions, it is also a matter of people. Stories like that of Victor Gómez, a former combatant now rebuilding his life through Colombia’s reintegration process, remind us that peace is lived through individual transformations just as much as national reforms. His unexpected leap into acting –playing a police officer in the Netflix’s series Cien años de soledad– symbolizes how identities once shaped by conflict can be rewritten. He represents a quieter side of peacebuilding: the slow work of unlearning fear, supporting a family, and seeing oneself as a contributor to society. His new path does not erase the violence that shaped him, but it shows what can grow when a country chooses reintegration over revenge.

It also embodies the core promise that the Unión Patriótica never had the chance to test: that Colombia can offer pathways back into civic life without violence. 

Why People Outside Colombia Should Care

This is not just a Colombian tragedy. It reflects global struggles over democracy, political participation, and the danger of silencing your opponents. Around the world, movements that challenge power structures have faced repression, from the systematic targeting of activists during Guatemala’s civil war to the assassination of Indigenous leaders in Brazil. Even beyond Latin America, attacks against journalists and opposition parties in places like Turkey or the Philippines seem to be the new normal; these patterns show how fragile democratic spaces can be when fear, polarization, and militarized responses guide political life. 

Colombia’s experience offers a universal lesson: peace is not just the absence of war, it is the daily assurance that difference and debate are protected. 

Understanding this history matters far beyond Colombian borders, because the conditions that enabled the UP politicide are not unique to one country; they form part of a global conversation about how societies confront violence, authoritarianism, and the long road toward reconciliation.

Banner stating "Never again another genocide in Colombia or in the world".
Photo 4: Banner stating “Never again another genocide in Colombia or in the world”. Source: CC BY-SA 4.0 https://www.flickr.com/photos/197399771@N06/54913516000/in/album-72177720330211152/, via Flickr

Conclusion

Colombia’s story is often told through the lens of conflict, but this moment invites a different narrative—one rooted in the possibility of rebuilding trust. The genocide of the Unión Patriótica was designed to eliminate an entire political horizon, yet its memory continues to shape debates about participation, security guarantees, and what true democracy demands. The fact that the country now openly recognizes the extermination of the UP, investigates what happened, and elevates voices like that of Iván Cepeda—whose life is intertwined with that history—is itself a sign of change.

Reconciliation is slow, uneven, and fragile, but it is not abstract. It lives in people like Víctor Gómez, in families who continue to seek truth, in communities that refuse silence, and in institutions finally willing to confront the uncomfortable past. Each of these threads forms part of a broader effort to ensure that Colombia never again confuses political difference with an enemy to destroy.

If Colombia can embrace pluralism, even amid polarization, it will not only honor the memory of the UP, but it will also redefine what peace means for future generations. And perhaps that is the most hopeful lesson: that the very movement once erased from the democratic map now pushes the country to imagine a political future where no one must fear for choosing the ballot over the bullet.

Eyes on Catatumbo: Colombia’s Silent Humanitarian Crisis

In mid-January 2025, people living among rural hills and rivers of the Catatumbo subregion of Norte de Santander —along Colombia’s border with Venezuela— faced a drastic and sudden surge of violence. Rival armed groups clashed in a territorial battle that forced tens of thousands of men, women, and children to flee their homes in a matter of weeks. According to available estimates, more than 56,000 people were displaced during this outbreak. Entire communities were uprooted almost overnight. Families left behind crops, homes, and schools as they escaped through mountains, carrying little more than what they could hold. Some families traveled for days on foot, crossing rivers and unpaved trails, hoping to reach towns where humanitarian aid might be available. The journey itself was dangerous, exposing them to natural hazards, extreme weather, and the constant threat of encountering armed actors along the way.

The clashes also cut off humanitarian access, collapsing local health services and leaving thousands without food, shelter, or protection. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported that several municipalities, including El Tarra, Tibú, and Teorama, remain difficult to access even for aid convoys due to the presence of landmines and ongoing combat. These obstacles reveal not only the magnitude of the emergency but also the absence of a unified response strategy capable of addressing overlapping humanitarian, political, and security challenges. Medical teams attempting to bring vaccinations and essential medicines often have to reroute through alternative paths, delaying assistance to families in urgent need. Aid organizations have emphasized that the lack of reliable roads, combined with intermittent communications, hampers coordination and prevents the full scale of needs from being properly assessed.

Colombian army patrolling the streets, military forces on urban patrol in Colombia, soldiers securing the streets in Colombia, army troops conducting street patrol, Colombian military presence
Photo 1: Colombian army patrolling the streets. Source: Adobe Express. By: Alejandro. Asset ID# 1249540839.

A Conflict That Refuses to End

For many in Catatumbo, this is not a new story. The region has long been a zone of contestation, where fertile land, strategic routes, and a history of coca cultivation have drawn armed actors for decades. Despite multiple peace efforts, the Colombian government and the National Liberation Army (ELN) have failed to reach a lasting agreement, even after several rounds of talks in 2024 and early 2025. These breakdowns in dialogue have left a dangerous power vacuum, allowing the ELN and the dissident Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) fronts to consolidate control in certain areas and tighten their grip on communities. Negotiations, often mediated by international actors, faltered due to persistent mistrust, accusations of non-compliance, and ongoing attacks during ceasefire periods.

Without a credible peace accord or strong state presence, civilians remain trapped between armed factions. Extortion, forced recruitment, and targeted assassinations continue to define daily life. In municipalities like Tibú, local residents report that shops must pay protection fees to avoid being attacked, while teachers and health workers face direct threats if they refuse to comply with armed groups’ demands or resist recruitment campaigns targeting young people. The persistence of conflict is also tied to the strategic importance of Catatumbo’s geography; its dense forests, mountainous terrain, and border with Venezuela make it a natural corridor for smuggling, illegal mining, and drug trafficking. Both the ELN and FARC dissidents use this border to move arms and coca paste, while Venezuelan armed groups exploit the instability to expand their influence.

For local residents, peace talks that never materialize mean that promises of safety remain words on paper, while violence continues to dominate daily life. As one community leader told the newspaper El Espectador in February 2025, “We are living between two wars—the one that happens in the mountains and the one that happens in silence when no one comes to help us.” This sentiment is echoed across Catatumbo, reflecting the frustration and fear that residents endure as cycles of displacement and insecurity continue year after year.

When the Crisis Fades from View

Despite the urgency and scale of this crisis, national and international coverage faded quickly after the first wave of reports in January and February 2025. That silence matters. When forced displacement disappears from headlines, so do the people living it. This invisibility normalizes neglect, delays humanitarian responses, and weakens accountability.

Based on the most recent protection analysis report, by April more than 62,000 people had been displaced and an additional 27,000 confined in their homes, unable to move because of landmines or threats from armed groups. Yet beyond a few humanitarian updates, public attention dwindled. One reason lies in the geography and access issues of Catatumbo. Journalists and medical staff face severe restrictions: entering many rural zones requires permission from the military or local armed actors. Donor fatigue also plays a role: international organizations have limited budgets and often prioritize higher-visibility crises. As a result, funding for Colombia’s internal displacement response in regions like Catatumbo has lagged.

The invisibility of the crisis is not just informational, it is political.

A view of indigenous children from the Embera people, displaced by armed conflict.
Photo 2: A view of indigenous children from the Embera people, displaced by armed conflict. Source: UN Photo; by Mark Garten; Unique Identifier: UN7715269.

The Stakes: Life, Dignity, and the Fabric of Communities

When a family flees their home at night carrying only what they can, they are not just moving, they are losing a way of life. Land, livelihood, and community ties are abruptly severed. Among those displaced in Catatumbo, families are separated, elders lose access to medication, and children miss months of school. Young people face a heightened risk of recruitment or exploitation. Humanitarian workers warn that amid the chaos, gender-based violence, human trafficking, and child recruitment are on the rise. These are not isolated incidents; they are part of a broader pattern of rights violations that undermine communities’ social fabric.

This is not only a crisis of numbers—it is a crisis of rights and belonging. When the state cannot or will not guarantee protection, internal borders form. These lines are not drawn on maps, but rather through abandonment, neglect, and fear. Those living within these invisible borders are often left to face violence alone. The humanitarian system’s focus on immediate relief, without long-term strategies for restitution or reintegration, risks perpetuating these cycles of vulnerability.

Cúcuta: The Border City Bearing the Weight

The humanitarian fallout has spilled into Cúcuta, one of the largest cities in Norte de Santander and a key crossing point to Venezuela. As displaced families arrive seeking refuge, schools, shelters, and hospitals are overwhelmed. Local authorities struggle to register new arrivals and provide basic assistance. Many displaced people sleep in overcrowded houses or informal settlements near the border, where conditions are precarious. Limited job opportunities push most into informal labor or survival economies. Meanwhile, the influx of people has intensified pressure on already fragile public services, deepening social inequality and tensions in host communities.

Organizations like the International Rescue Committee (IRC) and Pastoral Social have set up temporary aid centers offering hygiene kits, psychosocial support, and legal counseling. However, these efforts often operate with minimal funding and no long-term sustainability. Teachers in Cúcuta’s public schools have reported overcrowded classrooms, with some hosting up to 50 students, many of them recently displaced or migrants from Venezuela. Children often struggle to keep up academically, while parents face pressure to find income quickly, forcing many into informal work that provides little security.

Human rights observers, including the ACT Alliance, the Norwegian Refugee Council, and UNHCR, have warned that unless there is sustained national support, Cúcuta and the surrounding municipalities could soon become the epicenter of a prolonged displacement emergency.The city’s local government has called for international coordination, urging Bogotá, UN agencies, and the Venezuelan authorities to establish a humanitarian corridor. However, bureaucratic obstacles and diplomatic tensions between the two countries have stalled progress. Even when aid is allowed, delays and limited resources prevent sustained coverage for both immediate relief and long-term recovery.

 

A view of a migrant tent
Photo 3: Migrant tent. Source: Adobe Express. By Andrea Izzotti. Asset ID# 128345640.

Documentation and the Demand for Accountability

In the midst of this crisis, documentation plays a crucial and often lifesaving role. Human rights groups, journalists, and even the survivors themselves aren’t simply keeping track of events; they are building a record that can shape humanitarian responses, inform policy, and hold perpetrators accountable in the future. Organizations like Human Rights Watch, the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), and the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) rely heavily on reports from the field to see what’s really happening, identify urgent needs, and spot patterns of abuse. They collect this information through interviews with displaced families, surveys in affected communities, and photographic or video evidence of destroyed homes, schools, and infrastructure. Each record isn’t just a statistic—it’s a voice, a story, and a testimony from people whose experiences are too often ignored or silenced.

For families, documentation gives words to experiences that are otherwise invisible. It allows survivors to describe what happened, who was affected, and who is responsible. Lists of victims, personal testimonies, and photographs are far more than records, they’re tools for protection, reparations, and accountability. Imagine a parent reporting that their teenage child has been forcibly recruited by an armed group; that report isn’t just a number in a database. It can trigger emergency protection measures, alert authorities to ongoing recruitment campaigns, and eventually inform broader policy changes. Photographs of destroyed homes, abandoned fields, or burned schools can serve as concrete evidence in legal and advocacy processes, ensuring that destruction and loss don’t go unnoticed.

But documentation on its own isn’t enough. In Catatumbo, the state is often absent, and political will is inconsistent at best. Armed groups operate with near impunity, while local authorities may lack the capacity, or the security, to act on reports of abuse. Without a platform to turn these records into action, documentation risks becoming a snapshot of suffering rather than a catalyst for change. This is why media attention, advocacy, and international solidarity are so essential. Without them, even the most thorough documentation can sit in databases without effecting any real-world impact.

The Colombian Truth Commission (CEV) has stressed that remembering is key to preventing repetition. Its final report highlights how collective memory plays a central role in breaking cycles of violence. But if testimonies simply sit in a database without leading to policy reforms or justice initiatives, then impunity continues, and survivors remain vulnerable. In other words, documentation must have a purpose: it must feed into action, whether through legal avenues, public policy, or protective measures.

Local communities have also taken matters into their own hands. Community radio stations like Voces del Catatumbo act as informal archives of survival. They broadcast updates, report abuses, and provide essential information about displacement, health, and security. These stations give residents a platform to be heard in real time and foster a sense of connection in a region where isolation is a constant threat. They are also a reminder that documentation isn’t just a bureaucratic process—it’s lived, community-driven work that can save lives.

A passenger truck travels on the road between Riohacha and Uribia on La Guajira peninsula, Colombia.
Photo 4: A passenger truck travels on the road between Riohacha and Uribia on La Guajira peninsula, Colombia. Source: UN Photo; by Gill Fickling; Unique Identifier: UN7386312.

What We Can Do as Readers, Citizens, and Advocates

Keeping eyes on Catatumbo is both a moral and political act. Sharing verified information, reading humanitarian updates, and amplifying local voices helps keep the crisis visible. International partners can support local organizations with funding and technical assistance, while citizens can call for greater accountability from their governments and international institutions.

We must hold two truths together: the urgency of humanitarian needs today, and the necessity of long-term justice and inclusion. Attention, when sustained and informed, can make a difference.

If we listen to the people of Catatumbo—and now those arriving in Cúcuta—we learn that rebuilding is not only about returning to what once was. It is about imagining what could be: a community whose safety, dignity, and memory are protected, not merely by the absence of conflict, but by the presence of justice.

 

Memory Against Forgetting: Families of Colombia’s Falsos Positivos Lead the Fight for Dignity

When we talk about justice, it’s tempting to think first of courtrooms, judges, and laws. But for many Colombians, especially the families of victims of falsos positivos, justice has been built not only in tribunals but in memory itself: in the photos carried to marches, the murals painted in neighborhoods, the names shouted at demonstrations, the rituals performed year after year so that forgetting is impossible.

Between 2002 and 2010, thousands of young men — mostly poor, often from rural or marginalized communities — were killed by members of Colombia’s military and falsely presented as guerrillas killed in combat. These extrajudicial executions, known as falsos positivos, were incentivized by a warped system that rewarded body counts with promotions, money, and leave time.

For the families of the deceased, the pain was double: they suffered not only the violent death of their children, brothers, or fathers, but also the stigma of being told these dead loved ones were “terrorists.” For decades, official narratives denied their innocence. In response, parents, siblings, and loved ones took on the role of guardians of memory.

Today, as Colombia’s Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) finally begins to hand down historic rulings against perpetrators, the country is reminded that these families’ insistence on remembrance is what made justice possible at all.

Sign that states mothers of Soacha and Bogota do not forget
Image 1: Sign “The mothers of Soacha and Bogota do not forget”. Source: Yahoo Images.

Memory as Resistance

In Colombia, the act of remembering has often been a political gesture. For mothers who lost their sons to falsos positivos, memory is more than grief: it is resistance against erasure.

One of the most emblematic groups is the Mothers of Soacha (Madres de Soacha). In 2008, dozens of women discovered their sons had been lured from Bogotá’s outskirts with promises of work, only to be killed hundreds of miles away and buried as guerrillas. For them, memory became a form of activism:

Photographs at protests: They carried enlarged portraits of their sons to public squares, confronting officials and society with faces that proved they were not anonymous guerrillas but young men with families, lives, and dreams.

Annual commemorations: Every year, they gather to honor the date of disappearance or death, keeping the stories alive in the community.

Murals and art: Walls in Soacha and beyond carry painted faces of the murdered youth, transforming public space into testimony.

This memorialization disrupts the state’s attempt to rewrite their deaths as a part of “combat.” It asserts: they lived, they were innocent, and they will not be forgotten.
Sign in favor of the Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz
Image 2: Sign in favor of the Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz. Source: Yahoo Images.
The Weight of Stigma

For families, memory is not only about honoring loved ones but also about countering stigma. Many recall being told by neighbors, even relatives, that their sons must have been guerrillas — why else would the army say so? The official record branded them criminals, compounding the loss with shame.

By publicly naming them, retelling their stories, and refusing silence, families reclaimed dignity. Memory became a way of restoring the humanity stripped away by both the bullets and the lies.

In that sense, memorialization is not passive. It is an active form of justice: refusing the false narrative, demanding truth, and forcing institutions to confront uncomfortable realities.

From Memory to Justice: Recent Developments

The persistence of families has borne fruit. This September (2025), the JEP issued its first substantive ruling on falsos positivos. Twelve ex-military officers from the Batallón La Popa were held responsible for 135 killings between 2002 and 2005. Instead of prison, their sentences include restorative projects: building memorials, contributing to truth-telling initiatives, and reparations.

For many families, the ruling is bittersweet. On one hand, it is the first time the state has officially recognized that their loved ones were not guerrillas but civilians murdered under a policy of deception. On the other, some feel restorative sanctions are insufficient for crimes of this magnitude.

Yet, what is undeniable is this: without the relentless work of victims’ families, there would be no case, no ruling, no justice at all. Their memory work forced the truth into public view, long before courts were willing to listen.

Memory Across Generations

Memorialization also has a temporal dimension. Parents age; siblings pass the torch. Children who never met their uncles now grow up seeing their faces in photos at family homes. Some youth groups have joined mothers in painting murals or organizing cultural events to keep the memory alive.

This intergenerational transmission matters. It means falsos positivos are not confined to dusty files or occasional headlines; they remain part of Colombia’s living social fabric. Memory ensures continuity, so history cannot be rewritten by official silence.

The Global Echo

Colombia is not alone in this. Around the world, victims’ families have taken up memorialization as a path to justice:

These movements share a belief: memory is part of justice when justice is delayed.

Image of women holding up signs with pictures
Image 3: Mothers of Plaza de Mayo. Source: Yahoo Images.

The Fragility of Memory

Yet memory is fragile. Murals are painted over. Political shifts can reduce funding for memorial projects. Denialist narratives re-emerge. Even now, some Colombian politicians downplay the scale of falsos positivos or frame them as “errors” of war rather than systematic crimes.

This is why the work of families remains so urgent. Their voices remind us that memory cannot be outsourced to institutions alone. It lives in communities, in stories told around dinner tables, in names recited at vigils.

A Country Still Healing

Colombia’s 2016 Peace Accord promised both truth and justice. The JEP was born to address atrocities like falsos positivos. Its rulings — like the one in September — are milestones. But healing requires more than verdicts.

It requires listening to families, supporting memorialization efforts, and integrating their memory work into the nation’s broader historical narrative. Museums, school curricula, public memorials, and state apologies can all help ensure that the falsos positivos are never repeated and never forgotten—and to that end, some rulings have ordered soldiers and officers to participate in community memorial projects, recognizing memory as a necessary path toward reconciliation.

 Memory as Our Responsibility

The parents and relatives of falsos positivos victims have shown extraordinary courage. They remind us that memory is not just about the past, it is about shaping the present and protecting the future.

By carrying photos, painting murals, and speaking truth, they have forced Colombia, and the world, to confront a reality that many preferred to ignore. Their work demonstrates that justice is not only legal but also cultural and emotional.

A Call to Remember

As readers, we too have a role. We can support memorialization efforts, share victims’ stories, and resist denialist narratives. If you are in Colombia, visit a memorial site, attend a commemoration, or learn the names of the victims in your region. If you are outside of Colombia, read about the Mothers of Soacha, amplify their voices, and connect their struggle with global movements for truth and justice.

Because in the end, forgetting is complicity. And memory — stubborn, painful, luminous memory — is the first step toward dignity, accountability, and peace.