Former Filipino President Duterte Charged with Crimes Against Humanity

Rodrigo Duterte, former president of the Philippines for six years, led a notorious war on drugs throughout his tenure. This led to the murder of at least 6,000 drug users, sellers and manufacturers, although the real number could be much higher. Many were killed without trial, and Duterte is now being held in the ICC court for charges linked to murders during his time as Governor and President.

Duterte’s War on Drugs

Protesters standing with signs in their hands reading: "Duterte: Stop Killing People Who Use Drugs"
Protesters against Duterte’s violent War on Drugs Source: VOCAL-NY (Voices Of Community Activists & Leaders), CC BY 2.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0>, via Wikimedia Commons

Angelo Lafuente, a 23-year-old repairman, was seized in a police raid of his neighborhood at 4 p.m. on August 18, 2016. Mere hours later, he was reported dead to his family, who was given images of his body with gunshot wounds. Although people saw him being taken by police, the shooting was blamed on unknown gunmen. This is only one of over six thousand who have died during Duterte’s War on Drugs, although some warn the true number of casualties could run much higher

Duterte’s emphatic anti-drug rhetoric was often seen as encouragement for police agencies to kill drug users. Indeed, Duterte himself said that he hired a death squad during his time as mayor of Davao and that he told police to encourage suspects to fight back so they could justify killings as self-defense

Duterte and his supporters also went after opponents to the war on drugs so that no meaningful resistance remained. The most vocal and powerful critic of Duterte, Senator Leila de Lima, was removed from her chair on the Senate Committee for Justice and Human Rights in September of 2016. This move came shortly after she called for an investigation into the rampant drug war killings. The hearings themselves prompted even further pushback from Duterte’s crowd, with Duterte himself going so far as to say de Lima should “hang herself” and then arresting her in February 2017 for violating the Dangerous Drugs Act.

ICC Charges

The International Crime Court at the Hague, where Duterte is currently being held awaiting trial
The International Criminal Court (ICC) at The Hague, Netherlands, where Duterte is currently awaiting trial. Source: Tony Webster, CC BY 2.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0>, via Wikimedia Commons

Duterte’s presidency ended in 2022, and the ICC filed for an arrest warrant against him in February of 2025 for the crimes against humanity including murder, torture and rape. The warrant was officially issued in March, and Duterte was arrested pursuant the warrant by authorities in the Philippines before being surrendered to the ICC. 

Officially, Duterte has been charged 3 times: the first charge is with regards to his time as mayor of Davao and his involvement in the murder of 19 people between 2013 and 2016. His second charge is during his time of presidency with the murder of 14 high value targets across the Philippines, while his third charge is from the murder and attempted murder of 45 people in operations related to clearing out villages and evidence.

In his testimony in front of the Senate, Duterte admitted to and defended his Drug War, while also emphasizing that he never asked his police force to murder suspects directly but instead to encourage fighting back so killings could be justified as self-defense. This hearing was impactful, as Duterte was finally required to explain his actions and involvement in the violence around his country.

Testimony was heard from family members of those killed, and the accused were allowed in the court to face Duterte. Duterte offered no apologies for his involvement in the war on drugs.

Political Impact and Infighting

Current Philippine President Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr.
Current Philippine President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. Source: Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

There are issues with the ongoing trial, including that Duterte still holds considerable power, and regardless of how legitimate the trial is, it may be perceived in the Philippines as more of a political maneuver than a means for justice and accountability. Also, interestingly, by surrendering Duterte to international courts, the Philippines is no longer able to pursue him within their own jurisdiction.

The current president of the Philippines, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., could have easily ignored the ICC warrant for Duterte’s arrest and decided not surrender him. It seems entirely possible that Marcos Jr. decided to give up Duterte because of recent bad blood between Marcos Jr. and Duterte. This feud happened because while Duterte and his allies helped current President Marcos Jr. secure his position in 2022, they have since begun criticizing his rule, with Duterte himself calling him a “weak leader” and publicly criticizing him.

While having the chance to put Duterte on trial is a large step forward for the ICC, this is only possible because of the willingness of the Philippines to cooperate. Duterte still has considerable popularity and political power in the Philippines, and he was even elected mayor of Davao again in May, despite being held in prison. Given his current popularity and the clash between large political figures in the Philippines, many politicians are remaining quiet or reserved with their remarks about the current situation.

Rodrigo Duterte speaking into a microphone at a podium
Former President Rodrigo Duterte giving a speech during his presidency Source: PCOO EDP, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

Holding Duterte accountable for his actions is a huge accomplishment for the ICC, and time will tell what effects this will have on the international scale. While we have seen that there is some accountability and power through the ICC, there are also many questions about the impacts this will have on the Filipino political landscape. The hearing for Duterte has been postponed due to his poor health, but the trial shows that there is still hope for justice and answers for those affected by the war on drugs.

Hungary Leaves the International Criminal Court

Earlier this month, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban declared that the country would withdraw from the International Criminal Court (ICC), becoming the first European Union member state to pull out of the decades-old global institution. This decision came during Benjamin Netanyahu’s visit to Hungary, where Orban refused to comply with his ICC-mandated responsibility to arrest the Israeli Prime Minister, thus rejecting the legitimacy of the court’s arrest warrants. Though an individual incident, this event is indicative of a global shift away from international institutions, raising concerns regarding the future and authority of the ICC and global organizations as a whole. As numerous countries, the United States included, fight against democratic backsliding, international law is crucial in ensuring democratic standards are upheld, making this withdrawal worth monitoring. 

Blue sign reads "International Criminal Court" in both English and French.
Image 1: International Criminal Court Sign. Source: Yahoo Images

What is the ICC?

The ICC is a permanent international court designed to prosecute political officials and military members following their initiation or continuation of international law violations, specifically targeting perpetrators of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and crimes of aggression. Unlike the International Court of Justice, the United Nations’ branch that pursues cases between nations, the ICC functions independently from any pre-existing international organization and focuses solely on individual responsibility and perpetration of crimes. 

The idea of establishing a court of global accountability originated after World War I; however, the largest push came after World War II and the global outrage surrounding the Holocaust. While an international court had yet to be established, ad hoc tribunals were created, prosecuting Nazi military and political officials. In between then and the court’s creation, other ad hoc tribunals have been organized, such as the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. These events popularized the establishment of a permanent, global court. In 1998, the UN General Assembly met in Rome, finalizing a treaty that would then become the Rome Statute, the foundational document of the ICC. 120 countries voted to establish the court, and by 2002, the statute was adopted, gaining the necessary 60 ratifications needed for it to enter into law, thus granting the ICC international legitimacy and authority. 

Under the Rome Statute, the ICC is given universal jurisdiction, meaning that perpetrators of international law violations can be tried even if the events occurred in another country. This also grants the court the ability to investigate allegations, with claims being brought to the ICC or based on the suspicions of the institution. If the court finds that an individual has likely played a direct role in the initiation or continuation of a crime outlined by the ICC, an arrest warrant will be issued. As part of ratifying the Rome Statute, member states assume the responsibility to comply with these rulings and are expected to detain those who receive arrest warrants if they enter the nation’s territory. After detention, trials are conducted, and a final ruling is eventually made. Since the court lacks an overarching enforcement mechanism, this organization relies heavily on state compliance to maintain legitimacy. Without this, the ICC loses its prosecutorial power and therefore its purpose. 

Large meeting at International Criminal Court. Seats in a semicircle around a large screen and panelists
Image 2: ICC Assembly of States. Source: Yahoo Images

Why is Hungary’s Withdrawal Important?

Though Hungary’s absence won’t single-handedly undermine the ICC’s functional capacity, it does signify the country’s shift away from global institutions and further descent into authoritarianism. Since Orban took office in 2010, the country has become an “illiberal state,” a term Orban uses with pride. This reality is demonstrated in his views on international institutions. When discussing his reasons for withdrawing, Orban expressed that “Hungary has always been half-hearted” on its commitment to what he stated was the “political court” of the ICC. Furthermore, under his regime, Hungary has isolated itself from the democratic values of the European Union, with Orban having captured public institutions and the formerly independent media. He has undermined judicial independence, creating a government oversight committee that tracks the domestic courts and placing partisan judges in politically important positions. Orban has also been consistent in his support of Vladimir Putin, criticizing EU-imposed sanctions on Russia and openly condemning support for Ukraine. These actions have ultimately isolated the country from the Union and its foundational values, thus undermining the EU’s efforts to foster a unified Europe. 

Hungary’s rejection of the ICC is also representative of the current global climate, as there has been an international decrease in support for global institutions. Since the issuance of Netanyahu’s arrest warrant, several countries, such as Belgium, Germany, and France, have remained unclear as to whether they would comply with ICC orders, disregarding their responsibility as set out under the Rome Statute. Similarly, Europe has seen a rise in Euroscepticism, or a distrust in the authority of the European Union. This perspective has pervaded several powerful political parties throughout Europe, such as the Alternative for Germany Party in Germany, the Freedom Party in Austria, the Law and Justice Party in Poland, and the Georgian Dream Party in Georgia. These parties have openly criticized the authority granted to the EU and the need for sovereign countries to align their policies with an overarching institution. Meanwhile, numerous countries are reverting to conservative, traditional cultural and political norms, further increasing hesitancy toward a liberal international order that advocates for equality and progressive policies. 

This shift is not unique to Europe, as the United States has also been open in its rejection of the ICC and other international institutions. Recently, the Trump administration has placed sanctions on ICC officials, signifying distrust in the court. Furthermore, the US has withdrawn from the Paris Climate Agreement, the World Health Organization, and certain branches of the United Nations. With one of the world’s hegemonic powers withdrawing and delegitimizing international institutions, it is understandable why this perspective has been normalized on a global scale. 

Hungarian PM Orban talks at a European Union podium, with EU flags behind him
Image 2: Orban talks at the EU. Source: Yahoo Images

The Case for International Law and the ICC

While many argue that international law and institutions violate a country’s sovereignty, the reality is that this relinquishment can be viewed as necessary to ensure long-term stability. Historically, nations have been seen as fully autonomous, lacking international institutions to follow; however, this autonomy allows countries to encroach on the rights of others, whether domestically or internationally, thus creating instability that jeopardizes the rights and safety of individuals. By surrendering some control over an independent nation to an international body, sovereignty can be enhanced. For example, by allowing international policy to dictate environmental policy, sovereignty could be strengthened by enabling countries to live without fear of climate-related destruction. In the case of the ICC, by granting a global court the authority to enforce international law, egregious behavior can face punishment, hopefully deterring these actions and thus providing greater long-term stability. In other words, relinquishing some domestic power to an international agency can enhance aspects of sovereignty as countries can live without fear of external encroachment on their rights. So, while international law might not yet be perfect, there is an argument to be made that it is worth attempting to fix rather than rejecting it altogether. 

Conclusion

Hungary’s withdrawal from the ICC is representative of a broader shift away from the modern-age liberal order. Though its absence won’t directly interfere with the court’s ability to try violators of international law, it does bring into question the future of the ICC and other international institutions, as numerous countries, both within the EU and beyond, see a decline in their support of democratic values and global organizations. However, not all hope is lost; if current member states can uphold their commitments to the Rome Statute, the ICC can remain a powerful authority and deterrent against committing egregious crimes. In doing so, trust in the ICC can be consolidated, ensuring it and other global organizations play a role in the future of international politics. Because of this potential, international law remains a cause worth advocating for, as it can help ensure long-term stability during a time of global uncertainty.